Posted on 09/11/2004 3:11:37 PM PDT by Tailgunner Joe
While the Lula government cautiously maintains a relative stability, particularly in economic matters, they are conniving with and even favoring movements and initiatives that threaten that very stability.
A case in point is the complacent attitude toward the invasions of farms and the reckless disrespect for the law by the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT).
Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul notes that many government agencies are in cahoots with a movement trying to destroy democratic institutions. He concludes: "In fact, the present government destroys with one hand what they build with the other" ("O MST e a democracia," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).
Economically, the government is adopting strongly socialistic measures. Its regulations are increasingly less precise. In addition, there is growing juridical instability.
In a widely published article, economic analyst Carlos Sardenberg denounced these contradictions. When Lula spoke to executives at New York's Waldorf Astoria, he writes, Lula adopted a pro-market stance. However, at the U.N. Conference for Trade and Development held in São Paulo, the president reverted to his leftist rhetoric, blaming world misery on the present world economic order which favors rich countries: "They say Lula can sign up with the IMF on one hand only if he employs leftist diplomatic rhetoric on the other. Likewise, domestically, he can only support agribusiness (be it private or global) if he backs the MST. The problem is that this only works as long as both sides do not notice the trick. Or while each side, though perceiving the trick, believes it can win the dispute and bring the president to its camp" ("O Lula do Waldorf-Astoria," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).
Strongly assisted by José Dirceu, President Lula da Silva seems to be paving the way for an unexpected governmental solution, while he warns of an ideological dispute with people who have not resigned themselves to losing power.
This is perhaps why Lula has repeatedly called for patience especially when addressing the more radical wings of his partisans and allies. The press notes that in two months the president appealed for patience at least seven times.
While appealing for calm, Lula da Silva also incites leftist grassroots to persist and hints that he is laying the foundation for profound change: "This patience must find in you the certainty that what we are doing in Brazil at this moment is trying to lay the groundwork for profound things this country needs," the president said at the government's year-and-a-half anniversary party (cf. Vera Rosa, "Lula pede ao País 'a paciência das mulheres,'"O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).
In an impromptu speech, Chief of Staff José Dirceu admitted: "Time is short and conspires against us." He added, "society" wants more (and quickly), and social time does not equal economic time. The speech was permeated with attacks on privatization and capital (cf. Christiane Samarco, "Dirceu: 'O tempo é curto e conspira contra nós'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).
Another worrisome development was when the Minister for Political Coordination, Aldo Rebelo, printed up a flyer with the teachings of Mao Tse Tung, which is being distributed at the PT's political campaign rallies. "Be modest and prudent. Avoid arrogance. Hold fast to the struggle," the text says. Minister Rebelo, a member of the Communist Party of Brazil, commented: "I'm only following the president's recommendation that [cabinet] ministers participate in political campaigns like firemen and not arsonists" (cf. Vera Rosa, "Rebelo reedita Mao para candidatos aliados," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-21-2004).
Another big surprise was President Lula da Silva's speech at the official opening of a copper mine of Brazil's Vale do Rio Doce mining giant. Hitting his chest as he vehemently referred to Brazilian self-esteem facing economic and social challenges, Lula da Silva cited the example of Vietnam's Communist guerrillas who confronted the United States.
After praising the Vietcong and their tenacity, which according to him led to the defeat of the U.S., Lula da Silva concluded: "Everyone knows this story. Everyone knows how that war ended. And that's what I see here" (cf. Leonêncio Nossa, "Lula cita Vietnã como exemplo de resistência," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-3-2004).
In this atmosphere, the government's grassroots and allies keep clamoring for a radical break with the present economic model.
Thus, the statements of French economist François Chesnais had considerable repercussion. Invited by the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo to speak at a seminar on economics, Mr. Chesnais said only a leftist "radical rupture" like that carried out in Cuba would be a real way out for the Lula government. He pointed out a victorious rupture is possible in Brazil and that this new model would be "invincible." To buttress his thesis, Chesnais points out the existence and action of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST).
MST unleashes a new wave of invasions
Always supported by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops' Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT), the MST has unleashed a new wave of farm invasions all over Brazil.
MST leaders recently called for a new "Red April," referring to its 109 farm invasions this spring.
They are now employing new tactics. Recently, there have been "mega-invasions" with large contingents of MST militants.
"We have resumed invading and are not going to stop," says one MST state coordinator. "If we have to wait for land reform, we'll wait inside the farms," quips another. MST also announces that, if the courts compel it to leave an occupied area, it will invade another farm (cf. Chico Siqueira, "Sem-terra lançam 'nova jornada de luta'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-14-2004; José Maria Tomazela, "Megainvasão do MST mobiliza 1.200 no Pontal," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-30-2004; José Maria Tomazela, "Invasões agora serão em massa, decide MST," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-31-2004).
Rural guerrilla methods
Fully coordinated mobilization, developed infrastructure and strategic calculations are the characteristics of rural guerrilla organization. Such traits are now found in the organization of invasions and establishment of squatter camps.
The 'landless' movement's usual and normal tactics consist of destroying crops and farm machinery, resisting authority and definitively refusing to abide by judicial injunctions to vacate occupied properties. Other tactics include blocking highways and taking over public buildings.
However, now their methods are gradually becoming more radical; they exhibit new boldness in challenging the law. A few weeks ago, the movement's militants attacked a police station in southern Bahia State to rescue two of its members who had been arrested and questioned by authorities. "For many years now, news of such assaults, some of them successful, was limited to those of gangs and organized crime which would rescue prisoners from police stations and prisons. Now the MST in Bahia has placed itself on the same level in its boldness and disrespect of order," says the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo in an editorial ("Caso de Polícia," 7-16-2004).
There has been extensive press coverage reporting that the MST, in addition to its publications and Internet sites, is now setting up its own radio station network.
These stations (many of them illegal) spread land reform propaganda, attack agribusiness, give formation and indoctrination to their militants and coordinate movement in their camps. Their programming exalts land invasions as "one of the most important struggles against the country's land structure" (cf. Afra Balazina, "MST improvisa rádio para 'educar' sem-terra," Folha de S. Paulo, 7-25-2004; Roldão Arruda, "MST monta rede de comunicação alternativa," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-25-2004).
A religiously inspired "Agrarian Revolution"
The Pastoral Commission on Land (CPT) will be organizing a so-called "Pilgrimage of the Land," billed as the high point in a "new fighting journey."
MST leaders say the goals of this whole offensive are to "negotiate land reform;" fight for "family agriculture" (i.e. a euphemism for failed land-reform "settlements"); and finally criticize agribusiness.
"This is another way in which this group [the landless] can advocate its rights since they are marginalized by a federal policy which only helps large producers," said Bishop Tomás Balduíno, CPT president (cf. Sem-terra cobram de Lula com onda de ações," Folha de S. Paulo, 7-22-2004).
Today's technologically advanced agribusiness is the driving force of Brazil's productivity, employing about 40% of the country's active population. It generates jobs, increases income, makes food more affordable, and builds up a positive trade balance of over $17 billion per year. Thus, agriculture and cattle-raising are the main activities responsible for the country's trade surplus.
Nevertheless, the pro land-reform left inside the CPT and MST, strongly present in the Lula government and ministries, is now declaring war on agribusiness. What they really want to overthrow through this "agrarian revolution" is private property and free enterprise. Their goal is to establish a "New Model for Rural Development," that is, the collectivistic and self-managing system of their failed "settlements."
In this sense, the textbook prepared by the CPT and MST for the Pilgrimage of the Land is a veritable ideological-religious broadside against agribusiness.
Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield, of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, analyzes crucial excerpts of this textbook in an important article in O Estado de S. Paulo. He finds the book "permeated with biblical quotations as if religion must be at the service of the non-development of Brazilian society."
He notes: "Politico-religious organizations in the mold of bygone Communist parties and movements hoist themselves up as true interpreters of the 'divine' message, pointing to the enemy that must be destroyed. ... These organizations aim precisely ... at destroying these companies, as we have noted in the invasions of rural and also urban property. The use of the word 'enemy' is never neutral, even less so when employed in theological-political language."
Professor Rosenfield also notes that this CPT action is supported by an important state-owned company: "In other words, public monies are being used to finance an activity which is part of the general religious 'struggle' against the rural economy, for invading properties and threatening owners..." ("Transgênicos e transnacionais," 7-26-2004).
The next day an editorial in O Estado de S. Paulo mentioned the article as it analyzed the "holy war," or jihad by CPT's priests and their MST comrades against modern agriculture: "Their real enemy and long-term target is the market economy and the juridical order that underpins it" ("'Guerra santa' contra os transgênicos," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-27-2004).
The Lula government's relationship with the MST
A crucial fact in this whole picture of rural unrest is the complete absence of any effective measures by the Lula da Silva government to curb violence and legally punish its perpetrators. The principle of collusion that orients government policy appears in a recent speech by Minister José Dirceu himself who said: "Conflict makes Brazil advance" (cf. Christiane Samarco, "Dirceu: 'O tempo é curto e conspira contra nós'," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-16-2004).
The Lula da Silva government keeps disbursing large sums of public money to the MST and calls itself an ally of the landless: "Worse of all, nothing happens, with one exception: MST and similar organizations get carte blanche to arbitrarily and freely impose their will. And [government] ministers praise this will as they participate in the celebrations of the movement's 20th anniversary," comments Prof. Denis Lerrer Rosenfield ("O MST e a democracia," O Estado de S. Paulo, 6-28-2004).
In a recent meeting with the landless, Lula said he still has not established the land reform of his dreams but swore fidelity to his old comrades and asked them not to stop fighting for their rights: "I clearly see that I am president today because you elected me to do that which is not [only] my commitment: it is our commitment" (Vera Rosa, "Lula jura fidelidade aos amigos da primeira hora," O Estado de S. Paulo, 7-13-2004).
Miguel Rossetto, Minister of Agrarian Development (of the PT's Trotskyite left), is even more explicit about the government's calculated tactic of collaborating with the MST.
At a press conference, he guarantees that the Lula government does not intend to take any exceptional measure against the new wave of invasions. Squatters supposedly have a right to free expression guaranteed by a democratic government which limits itself to curbing "eventual excesses." "In no way are legality and the rule of law under threat," said the minister in blatant contradiction with events. He added that the government has built a relationship of dialogue with the "social movements" whose action is seen as a sign of diversity: "The MST plays a very important role in the rural world" (cf. Vannildo Mendes, "Onda de invasões não traz risco, diz Rossetto," 2-8-2004).
ping
Sounds like what is happening to white farmers in South Africa and Zimbabwe.
Why work to earn your land and property? Just grab a machete and go take it!
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.