FROM FALLUJAH: A Marine writes home

AndrewSullivan.com ^ | Thursday, April 08, 2004 | unknown

[Gritty]

These Marines will soon proudly add another battle streamer to their Battle Flag titled "Fallujah 2004".

The enemy will add another loss to theirs.

[cyborg]

Marines BTTT

[Aeronaut]

My humble prayer goes up for our valiant fighting men. The Marines will acquit themselves well, of that I have no doubt. It is not a good time to be a bad-guy in Iraq.

[Aeronaut]

This AF vet salutes them...hell, if I were 20 years younger I'd want to be there with them.

Dittos, but reworded thus - - This Navy vet salutes them...heck, if I were 30 years younger I'd want to be there with them.

[Dead Dog]

This seems appropriate reading at this time, God Speed Marines:


THIS IS MY RIFLE


There are many like it but this one is mine. My rifle is my best friend. It is my life. I must master it as I master my life.


My rifle, without me is useless. Without my rifle, I am useless. I must fire my rifle true. I must shoot straighter than any enemy who is trying to kill me. I must shoot him before he shoots me. I will....


My rifle and myself know that what counts in this war is not the rounds we fire, the noise of our burst, nor the smoke we make. We know that it is the hits that count. We will hit...


My rifle is human, even as I, because it is my life. Thus, I will learn it as a brother. I will learn its weakness, its strength, its parts, its accessories, its sights and its barrel. I will keep my rifle clean and ready, even as I am clean and ready. We will become part of each other. We will...


Before God I swear this creed. My rifle and myself are the defenders of my country. We are the masters of our enemy. We are the saviors of my life.


So be it, until victory is America's and there is no enemy, but Peace........................

[Big Horn]

I'm hoping they stay and fight.

This way we won't have to track them down one by one.

This would be a great help and our kind of fight.

[wilmington2]

My support is 100% and may God protect you from those who hate life and detest freedom. May you and other Marines give them their wish for a spiritual existence.

[ken5050]

Don't know if you caught Andy on Chris Matthew's Sunday show...not Hardball...the other one, but he was magnificient, absolutely superb...he gobsmacked Matthews...

[massatoosits]

"Phalinus, at this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our arms and our valour..."

God Bless the Marines.

[A.A. Cunningham]

‘No Better Friend,
No Worse Enemy’

By Lieutenant Colonel Sam Mundy, U.S. Marine Corps

For Marines in postconflict Iraq, the challenge is to balance patience, persistence, and restraint with resolve and the willingness to use force when necessary.

The recent troop shift in Iraq—one of the largest such moves in military history—is an important milestone in the effort to rebuild that nation. Of note, nearly one-fourth of the incoming forces are U.S. Marines. Having returned from Iraq last summer to reconstitute, they now resume an equitable share of the burden for postconflict operations during Operation Iraqi Freedom II.

U.S. MARINE CORPS (BILL LISBON)

The Marines’ return triggers some interesting questions. Having assumed an important mission in the geographic hotbed of Iraqi agitation, will they offer more of the carrot and less of the stick? Will they be tempted to adopt a hard line, or will they use a flexible approach tailored to meet the facts on the ground?

To be sure, the Marines confront a different situation from the one they faced last year in predominantly Shiite provinces. The new area of operations in the Sunni Triangle contains a witch’s brew of regime loyalists, foreign fighters, criminals, and any number of frustrated and discontented Sunnis. This potent mix represents a major obstacle to fostering civility and long-term peace.

Marines harbor no illusions about the challenge. Media coverage provides constant, sobering reminders of the explosive devices, suicide bombings, and sensational attacks they might face. In addition, U.S. Army units operating in the region have provided valuable intelligence and many lessons learned. Incoming Marine units no doubt will exploit this information and apply techniques rooted in traditional counterinsurgency approaches.

A common theme of counterinsurgency operations is the importance of the support of the local population—and to which side it goes. Thus, as critical as it will be for Marines to hunt down enemy combatants, it will be equally if not more critical that they demonstrate respect for Arab customs, treat Sunnis firmly but fairly, forge bonds with Iraqi security elements and key leaders, and ensure their actions do not alienate Iraqi citizens.

During last year’s stint in Iraq, Major General Jim Mattis, Commanding General of the 1st Marine Division, encouraged Marines to “do no harm.” When I served in Ad Diwaniyah as one of his battalion commanders, that phrase underscored the enduring purpose of Marine operations—support the fragile peace and complement efforts to win Iraqi “hearts and minds.”

Naturally, adjusting from clearly defined combat operations to complex civil-military operations required an attitude shift. Security, a paramount concern, occupied most of our attention. Yet, along with frequent patrolling and operations against Baathist targets, we became acquainted with local Iraqi customs and mingled with the population. By showing respect for them on the local level, by demonstrating concern for their safety, and by aggressively working with them to restore basic services and facilities, we promoted the greater goals of peace and stability in the Al Qadissiyah province. As our relationships with local Iraqis improved, security also improved, and we were able to set our sights on the repair of public facilities, the cleanup of schools, the payment of public employees, and the initiation of courts and judiciaries.

Although the need to “put an Iraqi face” on local authority also was a priority, we recognized certain institutions needed more assistance. At first, local Iraqi police simply could not deter criminal and subversive activity. To help them reorganize and boost their credibility, we put Marines and supporting Army military policemen in police stations, conducted joint foot and vehicle patrols, provided close backup for them on their own searches, and initiated a basic training program. We also hired several former Iraqi soldiers to act as stationary guards and to help clean up the rampant corruption and lack of professionalism among many police officers.

Though taxing, we tried to look at problems through the lens of the Iraqi experience, which in time produced a sort of mutual empathy between locals and Marines. In one instance, local citizens were digging randomly outside the former Iraqi Special Police headquarters, searching for bodies. When one day they uncovered remains, several hundred angry Iraqis converged on the scene. Marines responded and immediately cordoned off the area. I instructed the company commander to secure the site and wait for forensic analysis teams from higher headquarters to arrive. Unfortunately, as more bodies were exhumed, the crowd grew increasingly agitated. Assessing the situation, the company commander ordered his men to “sling arms” and adopt a less combative pose. Finally, when Iraqis began jumping over a wire obstacle placed around the gravesites, the company commander instructed his men to slowly give way to the grieving members of this impassioned Iraqi throng. His decision was both pragmatic and compassionate. Ultimately, he believed there was more to be gained from backing away than obeying orders, which if followed to the letter, likely would have resulted in a bloody confrontation.

Today, most of Iraq—especially the Sunni Triangle—is well beyond the stage described in these anecdotes, but these and other examples highlight the elements of a successful approach and how the immediate actions of Marine units on the ground nested within the larger operational and strategic setting. Having just wielded a big stick during major combat operations, Marines quickly extended the olive branch of reconciliation during the transition to postconflict operations. Doing so restored Iraqi leaders’ confidence in U.S. motives and thwarted a cycle of alienation between “liberator” and “liberated.”

In spite of some obvious differences, the Sunni region merits similar consideration. Without a doubt, incoming U.S. forces, including Marines, face an uphill struggle to build genuine trust with all Sunnis, especially those elites and “dead-enders” whose loss of prestige and power leaves little choice but continued resistance. It will not be easy, but Marines can make the uphill road smoother by establishing rapport with the majority, or perhaps large minority, of Sunnis whose loyalty lies somewhere in the middle—neither for nor against coalition forces, but hoping for some sense of normalcy.

To that end, the use of heavy force may be counterproductive. Isolating large groups of Sunni civilians, dealing rudely with their family members, damaging personal or private property, or conducting operations that indirectly cause civilian casualties will generate resentment even when the immediate impact of these actions is useful. Of course, “being nice” will not always work either. But as a matter of routine, the tactical cure must not be worse than the ill.

Sharing danger and demonstrating commitment alongside Iraqi security forces also might be beneficial. During Operation Iraqi Freedom, the presence of Marines working with Iraqi police reduced cultural barriers and forged bonds of mutual respect. It also stiffened the resolve of local policemen, which further undercut local support for Baath loyalists. This technique will not work in every area of the Sunni Triangle, especially where the appearance of U.S. leadership could deepen resentment and humiliation. However, the tailored objective of developing closer ties with selected Iraqi security forces, such as the Iraqi Civil Defense Corps or Iraqi Army, and working together with cooperative Iraqi leaders may improve prospects for long-term success.

Patience, persistence, and a measure of restraint are important features of a successful counterinsurgency campaign. Likewise, resolve and the willingness to use force also are necessary. For insurgents or suicidal terrorists bent on random killing, a conventional military response might be the only option. As a reminder of this, prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom Major General Mattis coined the division’s motto. When Iraqis encounter Marines, he said, they should find “no better friend, no worse enemy.” This slogan framed our outlook during combat operations and complemented the emphasis on doing no harm in the aftermath. It correctly brackets the Marine counterinsurgency approach and serves as a notice to thugs and fanatics—those who misinterpret the nature of Marine intentions or want to test Marine mettle quickly will see the velvet glove removed to reveal a clenched fist.

The challenge in any counterinsurgency conflict is to embrace people to win hearts and minds on the one hand while using lethal force to kill insurgents on the other. Balancing these competing goals requires a clear understanding that the people are central to success, as well as sound judgment in the application of force and the flexibility to deal with changing circumstances. Given their adaptive culture, experience, organization, and training, Marines are a prime choice to strike this balance in Iraq.

Lieutenant Colonel Mundy commanded 3rd Battalion, 5th Marines, during Iraqi Freedom and served during the transition to postconflict operations in the Al Qadissiyah Province. He is a Federal Executive Fellow at the Brookings Institute.

US Naval Institute

[EternalHope]

This AF vet salutes them...hell, if I were 20 years younger I'd want to be there with them.

Dittos.

[Henchman]

GOD BLESS YOU ALL!

[Henchman]

GOD BLESS YOU ALL!

[mtbopfuyn]

I can't help but feel that courage here at home is just as important if not more so.

I can't help but feel that certain members of our government are giving terrorists courage. Our troops need all the prayers we can give them at this time. This is for all the marbles and will determine our future and our children's futures.

[WOSG]

In other good news, Islamic theocrats take a licking in local elections...

maybe now you know why sadr made his move now:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,2763,1185792,00.html

Iraqi polls bring secular success

Jonathan Steele in Nassiriya
Monday April 5, 2004
The Guardian

Herded into lines by inexperienced police officers, hundreds of would-be Iraqi voters pushed into a sparsely equipped school at the weekend to cast their ballots for the local council of Tar.
Deep in the marshlands of the Euphrates, the town of 15,000 people was the first to rise against Saddam Hussein in the abortive intifada of 1991. Now it was holding the first genuine election in its history.

The poll was the latest in a series which this overwhelmingly Shia province has held in the past six weeks, and the results have been surprising. Seventeen towns have voted, and in almost every case secular independents and representatives of non-religious parties did better than the Islamists.

This week sees the biggest event in the Shia calendar, the annual pilgrimage to the holy cities of Kerbala and Najaf, and thousands of people were making the 10-day walk along the main road west through Nassiriya and its surrounding province of Dhi Qar. But in the march to the polling booths the secular democrats were showing the greater strength.

"This is a free election," said Jawad Khadum, a teacher in Tar. "We want more of them, for example in our teachers' union and for the mayor."

Like many professionals, he was worried by the way some religious parties had been throwing their weight around, trying to close shops which sell alcohol and pressing every woman to wear a veil. He saw the vote as a chance to stop this, he said.

The results will have delighted him. Neither of the two Islamist candidates was among the 10 elected. A woman teacher got in, the first female councillor in the province. Other winners included an agricultural engineer and three businessmen.

In Shatra, a town of 250,000, the Communist party won four seats and independents seven. Partly because of their popularity for stopping the looting which followed the overthrow of the old regime, the Islamists had a majority in the former council which was appointed last summer. After the election they were cut back to four seats out of 15.

"It was not a surprise," said Jalil Abed Jafar, a doctor, in the Communist party's upstairs offices along the waterfront. Shatra is where the party was founded 70 years ago, and the offices were still full of posters celebrating that event, along with photographs of dozens of members executed by the former regime.

No other province has held as many elections as Dhi Qar.

They have been organised largely by Tobin Bradley, an Arabic-speaking US state department official attached to the occupation authority in Nassiriya. Although the American government insisted that national elections could not be held in Iraq before the transfer of sovereignty on June 30, in Dhi Qar they went ahead using the ration card system - a method which could have been used nationally, according to many Iraqis.

The system of cheap basic rations still operates, and every Iraqi family received new cards this year, listing address and family size. In the Dhi Qar elections the card allowed a husband and wife to vote if they also brought their identity documents. The ration card was stamped in red or blue for each gender, making it possible for a wife to come earlier or later than her husband.

"It's not universal suffrage," said Mr Bradley, as he watched local judges check voters' identities inside the school entrance in Tar. "The polling places are only in the town centre. Some families are larger than others and they all get two votes. But it's free and fair to a certain degree."

Direct elections are not being held for the provincial council, but Mr Bradley has organised partial contests. A certain number of seats is set aside for various groups, which then elect people to fill them.

The province has 22 Islamic parties, which will get six seats. The 15 secular parties get four. Seats are reserved for women, professional associations and trade unions. Seven seats are for 54 tribal leaders. The "refreshed council", as it is called, is claimed to be more democratic than the one appointed by the occupation authorities.

"We chose people not very transparently before," Mr Bradley said. "This time we said, 'you provide the names'."

The change cannot come soon enough, in the view of Sheikh Sabri Hamid al-Rumidh, Dhi Qar's governor, who has been battling to control the religious parties, particularly the half-dozen which have militias.

Like the voters in the province's unprecedented elections, Mr Rumidh hopes the tide which flowed in favour of the religious parties in 2003 has begun to turn.

[Eagle Eye]

In a nutshell.

[tioga]

This one is interesting.......May God Keep Them Safe...

[ladyinred]

Good post. I am sorry to hear however, that they have to risk their lives even more to keep from offending a few socialist democrats at home. That is my read on this.

It was one thing when the anti war nuts were out protesting, it is quite another when their rhetoric is being repeated for the so called hallowed halls of our US Congress. These democrats who have used this war for their political gain have put more lives in danger, and no one should forget it.

[McGavin999]

I have been praying for these guys from the minute they entered Falluga. May a host of angels protect them.

[TomasUSMC]

"The challenge in any counterinsurgency conflict is to embrace people to win hearts and minds on the one hand while using lethal force to kill insurgents on the other."

This is the exact thing they told us during Vietnam. It is an exact quote.