Translation. Analysis and comment by Dr Kamal Mirawdeli
{Only sections relevant to the Kurdish question have been translated. The whole Arabic text is posted on PUK website (www.puk.org) on Sunday 31 January 2004.
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Paul Bremer: We hope to set up a democratic system in Iraq within two years!
The American Civil Administrator in Iraq says: We support granting the Kurds local authorities but we reject ethnic or sectarian federation
Interviewed by Jawhar Hussain, Baghdad.
Paul Bremer the American Civil Administrator in Iraq stressed that the US does not discriminate among the groups of Iraqi people Arabs, Kurds, Turkomans and Assyrians. He added in a talk to Asharq Al-Awsat "We want to achieve a just democratic rule for all but this process needs some time (about two years). On the other hand Bremer said that he supports the Kurds getting some local authorities, "provided that this authority does not breach the limits of the national unity of Iraq." He stressed that "As a principle we will not support any law which will be an initiative to separate any part of Iraq and we told them that we do not agree to that federalism proposed on ethnic basis or sectarian basis in Iraq and Kurdish leaders know that".
[[Jawhar Hussain] What is your position and the position of Provisional Coalition Authority about the agreed programme for the restoration of sovereignty and power to Iraqis according to the agreement of 15 November 2003 with the Governing Council and after your recent visit to Washington and New York. What is the reason for asking the UN to participate in the process of changeover?
[Paul Bremer] President George Bush pointed out to the Governing Council in their latest visit to Washington that he wanted the November 15 Agreement to be implemented in its totality and without delay. There are four important steps towards the formation of a democratic Iraqi government during the next two years and they re as follows:
First: By 28 February 2004 the Governing Council will agree the Law of the Administration of Iraqi State During the Transition Period. This will define the frameworks of the transitional government and electing representatives for the Constitutional Conference. This law will guarantee basic rights for all Iraqis during the transitional phase including freedom of expression, journalism and will respect the Islamic religion of the majority of Iraqi people and will ensure the rights of other religious groups. The effectiveness of this Law will end by the end of 2005 after agreeing a permanent constitution after organising [general] elections.
Second: By 31 May 2004 electoral conferences will be held in all Iraq’s 18 governorates to elect representatives for the transitional national assembly. By 30 June 2004 the transitional national assembly will choose its presidents and full sovereignty will be handed back to Iraq. Then the Governing Council and Coalition Provisional Authority will be dissolved and thus the responsibilities of coalition as an occupation authority will end as stated in UN’s resolutions. Third: By 15 March 2005 there will be direct elections (one person one vote) to elect a Constitutional Conference. This Constitutional Conference will write a permanent constitution, which will be presented, to the Iraqi people to approve in a general referendum.
Fourth: By 31 December 2005, there will be national elections based on the new constitution to elect a new Iraqi government. The elected government will take up authority and the transitional authority will be abolished.
[Jawhar Hussain] What is your opinion about the Kurdish paper presented by the Kurdish members of the Governing Council regarding the project of federal system for Iraq in future?
[Paul Bremer] First we believe that it is important in the new Iraq to find an equation for balance of power between the Centre and the rest of the parts [regions] in the country as one of the problems of Iraq historically has been that the central power was concentrated and strong in Baghdad during the last 80 years. As happened with the regime of Saddam Hussain the dictatorial central authority became the total and totalitarian power. To avoid such a bitter experience there must be an effort to distribute power among the regions in federal system agreed [by all sides]. We according to this theory support the demands of the Kurds to obtain some local authorities provided that these do not surpass the limits of the national unity of Iraq. We in principle do not support any law that will be an initiative for separating any part of Iraq, as we strongly believe in the unity of Iraq. For information, we have explained our opinions to the leaders of the parties and told them we do not agree on the federalism proposed on ethnic and sectarian basis for Iraq and Kurdish leaders know that."
[Jawhar Hussain] Regarding Iraqi Kurdistan will general elections take place at the same time with the rest of Iraq? And will the armed forces of Kurdish parties remain independent, armed and existing during the elections?
[Paul Bremer] About the armed militias we explained in general that all armed non-official militias in Iraq must be disbanded. That this was not possible in Kurdistan during a short period does not mean that we have retreated from the implementation of this decision and we have explained this to all Iraqi leaders. As to elections we hope that these elections will happen in all areas of Iraq and according to the timetable we mentioned in our answer.
Comment and analysis by Kamal Mirawdeli
It is clear from his statement that in spite of his emphasis on the transfer of power to "Iraqi people", Paul Bremer speaks about and defines the Iraq which he wants to come to existence. His assertion that he wants a democratic system in Iraq which does not discriminate among its constituent groups is either the product of cynicism or naivety. He refers to 80 years of central dictatorial rule in Iraq but he does not explain how and why this central dictatorship came into existence in the first place, who created it, who supported and maintained it? In fact by insisting on his strong belief in the unity of Iraq as it is, he only supports history repeating itself. And by prejudging any action or demand by the Kurdish people to redress the crimes committed by them by the Iraqi state ( including the crime of genocide and total destruction of all the villages an fauna and flora of Kurdistan in 1980s) and assert their natural and legal right to nationals elf-determination as "separatism" he is in fact repeating the same justifications and ideological prejudices used by Saddam and other Arab fascist chauvinist Iraqi regimes to annex and colonise Kurdistan and use all means of repression including genocide to force their colonialist fascist will on the Kurdish people. The same hollow accusation of separatism are used now by the Syrian and Turkish regimes to justify their oppression of 25 million Kurds under their fascist control. Bremer’s recipe for democracy in Iraq in the fanciful way he explains is at best very naïve and does relate to the reality of Iraqi situation historically and ethnically. In fact it is a recipe for further conflict including civil war and other 80 years of repression and dictatorship. In one go, Bremer wants the Kurds to forget that they are a separate distinctive group with their own land, culture, history and distinctive way of life and future. He also wants to forget or make Kurds forget (through a magical formula) that they have had an independent Kurdistan with its own elected parliament, government, growing economy, army, foreign relations, currency, etc. And that this de facto Kurdistan state has achieved a lot of democratic achievements which Bremer wants now for all of Iraq and up to few months ago he himself was saying that he wants Kurdish democratic model to be extended to the rest of Iraq. He also forgets that Kurdish army is not militias. This is an army which existed and developed over the last 12 years to defend Kurdistan and Kurds against Iraqi army and other regional predators. How soon Bremer forgot that it was this army, and not Turkish army, which fought side by side with the Americans against al-Qaida connected fundamentalist terrorist group Ansar-al-Islam and against Saddam’s army? But now he contemptuously speaks of Kurdish national army as unofficial militias which HE wants to dissolve. Bremer wants Kurdistan and Kurds just to disappear, the way the Turkish fascist dream about, and re-integrate in the new democratic Iraq which he plans in line with Turkish and Arab fascists’ wishes. Democracy without ethnicity! Why didn’t he do this for Yugoslavia and Soviet Union? Just Iraq, no Kurdistan!
But the essential question is: will the democratic Iraq he so fantastically envisions be ever democratic and will it achieve equality and justice for all its groups? Yes, Sisatni wants general elections: one man one vote for all Iraq. Yes, he is Like Bremer against Kurdistan. But why? He knows that 1. Shiite in Iraq are majority and in any election they will win. 2. This will give them democratic mandate to impose dictatorship and fascism of majority
5. As Iraq has been ruled by fascist authoritarian regimes with no freedom of expression, organisation and participation in political decisions, no institutions and infrastructure of civil society have developed in Iraq. How can ever be democracy without any infrastructure of civil society? How can Bremer supposed to be an experienced politician from the most advanced democracy and civil society in the world, speak so naively about the prospect of democracy in Iraq in just two years? Elections can never be equivalent to democracy if by democracy we also imply freedom, human rights and justice. Like in the Shah’s Iran, the mosques have remained the only popular functioning institutions in Iraq for 80 years. And the mosques have been used by the reactionary clergy to propagate fundamentalism and anti-Western and anti-modernisation indoctrination. So Sistani knows that his future elected Constitutional Conference, as Bremer calls it, will immediately pass a law changing Iraq into an Iranian style Islamic state. And anyone who will oppose that will be branded as infidels deserving to be eliminated with many fatwas to support that sacred mission!!
This will be Bremer’s dream democracy for Iraq. The people of Kurdistan do not want to be part of this project. We have established a viable secular proto-democratic civil society and national institutions which we want to preserve and develop and we have all hope that President Bush and the American people will support us just to do that and determine our destiny by ourselves.
6. My last comment is about Bremer’s revelation that he has already told Kurdish leaders about his opposition not just to independence ands elf-determination but to their wretched treacherous defeatist project of federalism in which he says they give powers of defence, finance and foreign relations (that is everything) to the Centre. Also Bremer says he has told them that he wants to dissolve Kurdish "militias". The question is: why have these so-called Kurdish leaders never told their parliament, their peshmargas and Kurdish people about Bremer’s plans and ideas? Why do they hide the truth? Why do they deceive us? On behalf of whom they say they will give up everything for a "federal Iraq". The Kurdish people want self-determination. And if these so-called Kurdish leaders work for Kurdish people, and not just for a gang of their relatives and family members, then they should immediately withdraw any plans for federalism and instead ask their people first : what do THEY want? Only then they can have a prospect to remain as leaders. Otherwise they should go and the sooner the better.
But, on the other hand, the Kurds - whose distinct identity is extremely well-documented and goes back more than thirteen centuries, when their country was subjugated by the Moslem hordes - whose national/ethnic character is indisputable and who are far more numerous than the Palestinians, and who are presently reduced to second-class status in most of the world - are not entitled to an ounce of autonomy or an inch of land because that would have to be conceded to them by the established Moslem dictatorships.
The US has a real challenge on our hands. Shape the government to balance power and then leave and watch the civil war commence, or stay a long time and provide security.