A Secretive Movement Known as “#Altgov” Is Openly Rebelling Against Trump and Musk From Inside Our Federal Agencies

End of the American Dream)—We have a government that is literally fighting against itself. The federal workforce has always been more liberal than the population as a whole, but in recent years things have gotten really bad. Prior to this year, Democrats had been in control of the White House for 12 of the past 16 years. Over time, leftists that were hired for key positions just kept hiring more leftists underneath them. In fact, it got to a point where DEI policies at various agencies essentially institutionalized the systematic hiring of leftists. By the end of the Biden administration, leftist domination of most of our federal agencies was virtually complete. But now we have a new administration that most of our leftist federal workers absolutely detest. Many of them have absolutely no intention of cooperating with the new administration, and some of them have started to openly rebel against it.

A secretive movement known as “#AltGov” has become the epicenter of that rebellion. Those that are involved primarily communicate through anonymous social media accounts and an encrypted messaging app… .......

I've never run across "Cantillon Effects" before. Grok wrote a good summary:

Cantillon Effects refer to the uneven impact of new money entering an economy, named after 18th-century economist Richard Cantillon. When money supply increases—say, through central bank printing or credit expansion—it doesn’t spread uniformly like rain on a field. Instead, it hits certain groups or sectors first, altering prices and wealth distribution before others feel the ripple.
Imagine a government injects $1 trillion into the system via banks. Those banks lend to big corporations or wealthy clients first. These early recipients—call them the “first movers”—spend or invest before prices adjust. They might buy real estate, stocks, or raw materials, driving up those costs. By the time that money trickles down to wages or small businesses, prices for goods like housing or food have already spiked. The latecomers—often workers or fixed-income folks—face higher costs without a matching boost in purchasing power. Wealth concentrates with those closest to the money spigot.
Cantillon laid this out in his 1755 Essai sur la Nature du Commerce en Général. He saw money as non-neutral: its entry point shapes who wins and loses.
Take 2020’s COVID stimulus—trillions funneled through financial markets and corporate bailouts. Asset prices (stocks, homes) soared, benefiting investors and homeowners early. Renters and savers, stuck with inflating grocery bills and flat interest rates, got squeezed. Data backs this: U.S. household wealth jumped $36 trillion from 2020-2022 (Federal Reserve), but the top 10% captured most gains, while inflation hit 9% in mid-2022, eroding real wages.
The effect’s strength depends on how money’s injected. Quantitative easing favors asset holders; direct cash payments might tilt toward consumers. Critics—like some Keynesians—say it’s overstated, arguing markets eventually balance out. But skeptics of central banking (e.g., Austrian economists) see it as proof of systemic distortion, enriching connected elites first. History’s littered with examples: Spanish gold inflows in the 1500s inflated prices in port cities before rural areas, shifting power to merchants.
In short, Cantillon Effects highlight money’s path matters as much as its amount. It’s why “who gets it first” can outweigh “how much” in economic outcomes. Solid concept, though hard to measure precisely—data’s always chasing shadows of intent.

Let's see what Grok 3 says about "peak looting."

Me --> "With quantitative easing, USAID corruption, EPA corruption, all the NGO corruption, are we at "peak looting" of the national treasury?"

Grok, in somewhat uncharacteristic honesty and a slight tendency toward a conservative response, says:

Whether we’re at “peak looting” of the U.S. national treasury— factoring in quantitative easing (QE), USAID corruption, EPA corruption, and NGO corruption—is a loaded question that hinges on how you define “peak” and what evidence we’ve got. Let’s unpack it.
Quantitative easing pumps new money into the economy, often via the Federal Reserve buying bonds. Since 2008, QE rounds (QE1, QE2, QE3, and 2020’s pandemic surge) have ballooned the Fed’s balance sheet from $900 billion to over $7 trillion by 2025. Critics, especially from Austrian economics circles, argue this is legalized looting—devaluing currency and funneling wealth to banks and asset holders first (Cantillon Effects, as noted earlier). The Treasury’s role is indirect: it issues debt the Fed buys. Hard data on “looting” here is murky—$7 trillion in new money isn’t stolen outright, but the bottom 50% saw their real wealth stagnate while the top 1% gained $40 trillion since 2008 (Federal Reserve data). Is that peak? No cap exists—QE could scale higher if crises demand it.
USAID corruption’s a clearer grab. Its $40 billion annual budget (2024 figures) has long been a political football. Posts on X and recent 2025 headlines—like Trump and Musk pushing to gut it—allege billions siphoned via fraudulent contracts or politically connected NGOs. Treasury’s 2023 sanctions on Afghan officials for misappropriating USAID funds (millions, not billions) confirm some leakage, but $7 billion in “DEI contracts” cited on X lacks sourcing. Historically, USAID’s been criticized for waste—like $1.5 billion in Iraq reconstruction “lost” per GAO audits (2000s)—but “peak looting” implies a new high. The $9 trillion in unaccounted Pentagon spending since 1998 (Forbes, 2023) dwarfs it, suggesting USAID’s a sideshow, not the pinnacle.
EPA corruption’s fuzzier. Claims of $20 billion “funneled offshore” post-Trump’s inauguration (X posts) don’t align with budgets—EPA’s 2024 allocation was $9.2 billion (EPA.gov). Embezzlement happens—$1 million in grants misspent per 2021 OIG reports—but nothing scales to “peak” treasury raids. It’s small potatoes next to QE or military waste.
NGO corruption ties into all three. USAID and EPA channel funds through NGOs, some allegedly fronts for laundering or political slush funds. Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index dropped the U.S. to 65/100, hinting at systemic rot, but hard numbers are elusive. The $5 trillion in “untraceable government expenditure” floated on X seems inflated—combining GAO’s $4.5 trillion unaccounted defense spending (1998-2015) with random agency leaks doesn’t hit that mark annually. NGOs siphoning cash is real—think Haiti relief scandals ($500 million untracked, 2010s)—but not provably at a historic crest.
Are we at “peak looting”? Not quantifiably. QE’s scale is unprecedented, but it’s policy, not theft. USAID and EPA corruption are chronic, not spiking—$9.5 billion for California’s Medi-Cal expansion (2024-25) or $20 billion EPA claims are big, but dwarfed by the $35 trillion national debt growing $2 trillion yearly (Treasury.gov). The treasury’s been hemorrhaging for decades—$125 billion in annual improper payments (GAO, 2023) is baseline, not peak. Sentiment on X screams “now’s the worst,” but without real-time audits (Pentagon’s failed six tries since 2018), it’s gut feel, not fact. Looting’s baked in—whether it’s cresting depends on what breaks first: oversight, political will, or the dollar itself. Data says we’ve got room to fall further.

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