Q ~ Trust Trump's Plan ~ 01/20/21 Vol.328, Q Day 1181

YOUTUBE: Vice President Biden Speaks at the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue - YouTube (17:36 minutes)

Full Video Transcript:

Secretary Kerry: Good morning, everybody.

I want to thank my good friend of almost 40-plus years,

the Vice President of the United States, for coming today.

I don't think there's ever been a Vice President

who is as steeped in foreign policy, as knowledgeable,

and his instincts are as honed as Vice President Joe Biden's.

And he, believe it or not, began his visits to China

as a young senator

on the first visit to meet with Deng Xiaoping in 1979.

And he has been many times since and has received

many Chinese leaders here.

I will tell you that the Vice President,

on so many different issues in the discussions that we have,

has just an inherent native sense of direction

with respect to foreign policy.

And I won't say too much more here

except to say that we who had the privilege

of working with him in the Senate --

I think I was there with him for 26 years --

saw a person whose word is good, whose instincts are sound,

and whose principles and values are just as basic

and as based in America

and in common sense as you could desire.

So, ladies and gentleman, without further ado,

the Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden.

(applause)

The Vice President: Vice Premier Yuan, I hope you understand

not to believe a word of what the Secretary just said.

The one thing I do know for sure,

that this strategic and economic dialogue is essential.

It's essential to get it right for both our countries.

There's no more important relationship.

State Counselor Yang, it's good to see you again.

I am honored to be with you.

I point out the State Counselor,

we've known each other for awhile.

His allocution and his mastery of English exceeds mine,

and so I seek his advice occasionally on speeches.

(laughter)

But honored to welcome your delegation to Washington.

I want to start by expressing my sadness.

The sadness, quite frankly, of the American people

in the loss of two beautiful young lives,

young Chinese students in the Asiana plane crash on Saturday.

Our sympathies to their families and to your country.

It was remarkable to see that plane in the state it was in,

but the loss of those two young lives is, for families,

the most devastating thing that happens in their lives.

You know, we meet at a time of transition on both sides.

China has a new president and new leaders.

I've had the great pleasure and honor of spending

a fair amount of time with President Xi

when President Hu and President Obama

thought the two Vice Presidents could --

should get to know one another.

And we ended up spending about 10 days together,

five in each of our countries, traveling around,

and you get to know someone fairly well.

When I congratulated him on his elevation,

I asked if he could possibly help me.

(laughter)

But he made no commitment whatsoever.

But all kidding aside,

we welcome and look forward to the transition

that's taking place on both sides.

And, Vice Premier, I want you to know that in the persons

of John Kerry and Jack Lew,

as part of the change in the guard here,

we have sent you, in this case, in this meeting,

two of the best, most seasoned, qualified public servants

that this nation has to offer, and that is not hyperbole.

They generally are.

I think Jack's had every job

in the administration in every administration,

and he sometimes in our meetings gets confused

as to whether he's supposed to be calling

for spending less money or more money

based on whether he's the director of OMB

or the Secretary of the Treasury.

But all kidding aside, we --

this transition that's taken place

in the last six months or so is important

in that I think it's vitally important that the relationships

among the four men behind me

are deepened and become more personal.

I look out and see our trade rep.

He's heard me say that there's a famous American politician,

a former Speaker of the House, Tip O'Neill, and he used to say,

"All politics is local."

Well, I think a significant part of international politics,

foreign policy, is personal.

Trust -- one of the most important things

that we need to continue to establish and deepen

between our peoples and between our governments is trust.

We don't have to agree on everything,

but you have to trust.

And I think it's -- in building these relationships,

both our countries will be much better for it

in the years ahead.

The stakes are very high because it's fair to say

that the dynamic that emerges between our nations

will affect not just our people, but, quite frankly,

have a significant impact on the entire world.

And let me be blunt.

There are strong voices on both sides of the Pacific that talk

about a relationship in terms of mistrust and suspicion.

They still exist in both our countries.

Our relationship is subject to all kinds of caricatures.

I've heard the U.S.-China relationship described

as everything from the next Cold War to the new G2.

And the truth is, neither are accurate.

The truth is more complicated.

Our relationship is and will continue to be, God willing,

a mix of competition and cooperation.

And competition can be good for both of us,

and cooperation is essential.

For two nations as large and influential as ours,

it's only natural that there be competition.

And if the game is fair, healthy and political

and economic competition can then marshal the best energies

of both our societies.

But this mix places an added burden on both of us.

The relationship -- a relationship like ours

will work only if the leaders and citizens approach it

with the sense of vision and a spirit of maturity.

We will have our disagreements.

We have them now.

But if we are straightforward, clear,

and predictable with one another,

we can find solutions that work for both of us.

I made clear on my last visit to China

that we are a Pacific power.

We have been and we're going to remain one.

That should be viewed, and one of my discussions in China

was viewed by many as a stabilizing influence.

But as we implement President Obama's policy of rebalancing

toward the Asia Pacific, it's important that the United States

and China communicate clearly and work closely

with one another on what is going on.

We have big issues to deal with.

We each have important contributions to make

to global and economic stability.

My country -- my country has been the last four years

grappling with such challenges as infrastructure, education,

or our fiscal picture.

Too many Americans still remain out of work.

But China faces serious challenges as well.

It needs to create high-skilled jobs for young people,

deal with grave environmental problems,

reform China's banking sector, respond to market forces,

and bring its shadow financial sector to heel.

The United States is making progress.

Our economy has now added private sector jobs

for 40 consecutive months.

Not enough, in the view of this administration,

but 40 consecutive months.

The manufacturing sector is once again growing,

growing at the fastest pace in decades,

and our deficit next year is projected to be less than half

of what it was in 2009 as a share of our economy.

And the next steps that China needs

to take for its own economy

happen to be in the interests of the United States as well.

Your own plans call for the kinds of changes

that have to take place that are difficult, like here.

But if they do, they will benefit us both,

including free exchange rates,

shifting to a consumption-led economy,

enforcing intellectual property rights and renewed innovation.

You know, it's easy for pundits to point out to us,

in both our countries, what we need to do,

but they're political realities.

These things are not easy to do quickly, but they must be done.

Some argue that China should continue on its current path,

enhancing some aspects of its free market system

while rising political openness gradually occurs,

maintaining the state's deep involvement

in the Chinese economy.

I do not pretend to know whether --

with any degree of certainty or precision,

what will allow China to rise above those economic challenges,

but I believe that history offers us both some lessons.

History shows that prosperity is greatest when governments allow

not just the free exchange of goods,

but the free exchange of ideas; that innovation,

which thrives in open economies and societies,

thrives in open economies and societies.

That is -- that's the currency of the 21st century's success,

that in the long run greater openness, transparency,

respect for universal rights actually is a source

of national and international stability.

As I've said before, I believe that China, presumptuous of me,

will be stronger and more stable and more innovative

if it represents and respects

international human rights norms.

But there are differences we have.

We also have significant challenges,

strategic challenges to discuss.

Together we need to be addressing

the longstanding disagreements,

and when sensitive issues arise,

work hard not to create new ones.

For example, our military is --

your military is modernizing and expanding its presence in Asia.

Ours is updating its global posture

as two wars come to an end

and we recalibrate and rebalance in Asia.

These trends will bring us into closer contact.

Leaving the military dimension

of our dialogue under-developed on both sides

causes us to run unnecessary risk.

So I welcomed yesterday the round

of strategic security dialogue and the enhanced dialogue

between our senior military leaders.

More of it must occur.

It's critical to expand

our military-to-military dialogue exchanges

in cooperation as we go forward.

We have to know what each other are doing.

The truth is, we have a common interest in defending

a wide range of public goods in international rules

that will only grow more compelling

as China looks beyond its borders.

For example, we both --

we both benefit from freedom of navigation

and uninhibited lawful commerce.

That will deepen and it will also become more apparent,

and it will depend on how China approaches its territorial

disputes with its neighbors and how we work together

to advance common interest.

We both will benefit from an open, secure, reliable internet.

Outright cyber-enabling theft that U.S. companies

are experiencing now must be viewed as out-of-bounds

and needs to stop.

The race to develop cleaner, more affordable energy sources

through a mix of competition and cooperation,

to state the obvious, can benefit both our people

and the people in the world.

So I welcome the new energy and climate dialogue

and our agreement to reduce the pollutants known as HFCs,

which make an outsized contribution to climate change.

And, of course, the security of both our nations,

as we have discussed privately and somewhat publically,

is threatened by North Korea's nuclear and missile programs.

Neither of us, neither of us will accept a North Korea

that is a nuclear-armed state.

Our presidents have agreed that ending that threat

is a critical priority, not only to our relationship --

in our relationship, but for each of our nations.

We're determined to intensify our cooperation with China

to denuclearize North Korea.

Many of the most pressing challenges

will be very difficult to solve

unless we are willing to continue to work together

as we are doing today and have been doing

for some time.

China now has the second largest economy in the world

and, God willing, will continue to grow.

It's in our interest.

It's no longer the discussion, when I was a young senator,

of zero-sum games here.

We used to talk about if another nation grows

and benefits somehow that --

it's the exact opposite, to state the obvious.

With that new -- not new,

but emerging and continuing growth of the Chinese economy

and the second largest in the world now,

that's the good news.

The bad news is,

it comes with some new international responsibilities.

It's understandable that China wants to be involved

in international rule-setting, as you should be,

but is wary about taking additional

international burdens on.

Ultimately the two go hand in hand,

because in 2013 the world's environment

and rule-based economic order

cannot sustain an exception the size of China.

Your country is simply too immense and too important.

As John pointed out, I first visited China

in 1976 as a young senator.

It was already clear then that China stood

on the cusp of remarkable change.

I believed then and I believe now that your country's rise

would be and is good for America and the world.

That is just a simple statement of fact,

but it's never been inevitable.

The greatest cause for optimism is what happens

when our people come together.

We see a lot of ourselves in each other,

a striving entrepreneurial spirit,

an optimism about the future.

I see that when I speak to young Americans across this country,

and I saw it when I was accompanied by your President

and spoke to college students in Chengdu.

Mechanisms like the strategic and economic dialogue play

an important role in managing our complex relationship.

If together we get it right,

we can leave behind a much better future for our children

and for their children --

and, quite frankly, for the world.

That sounds somewhat chauvinistic,

just be talking about,

as we get our relationship right,

it has such a consequence to the world, but it does.

It does.

And nothing matters more.

So I welcome you.

I know this is not the first day,

but I welcome you on behalf of the President,

and I wish you a great deal of luck.

We have a great deal of work to do.

The promise is real.

The competition will, in fact,

as I said to President Xi when he was Vice President,

the competition is good.

It's good for us.

It's good for you.

We welcome it. We welcome it.

And we'll both be better for it.

As I said, as a consequence, if we get it right,

so will the world.

So thank you for the important work you're doing here today.

I wish you luck for the remainder of this discussion,

and I look forward to seeing you in China.

Thank you.

Obama White House - July 10, 2013

Awhile back, a nurse (video on bitchute) was interviewed regarding covid nasal swabbing. She said there was no need to use nasal swabs as the virus was present in the mouth - mouth swabs easily detect it.

She showed a diagram of the nasal cavity that is swabbed and pointed out that it’s basically a firewall, with a sensitive portion of the brain separated from the nasal cavity with a membrane which is swabbed for the virus.

She thinks they were applying “something”. At the time I was still incredulous that the CDC produced millions of masks contaminated with Covid-19 at the start of the Planned Demic because they didn’t follow their own protocols (e.g., they had an open container of Covid-19 in the same room where the masks were being assembled).

Personally, I doubt a nationally recognized health service with decades of experience could make a mistake that even high school science class students would likely avoid. I think some/infiltrators at the CDC tainted the masks to spread the planned demic.

I don’t believe the CDC published these painful signs of incompetence (I say malevolence) willingly. I think a 3rd party (*cough* Trump Administration *cough*) knew what they were up to and tested them, then made the CDC report it’s failures. Otherwise the CDC would have blamed some supplier for the delay in the masks at the very start of the Plannedemic.

SO when I heard the nurse say there’s no need - and she did say she wondered if they were depositing substance active to brain matter - I thought they may have “accidentally” on purpose tainted the swabs. Or the swabs were tainted elsewhere. With Covid, something else, or both.

That would explain why nursing homes say their facilities have little to know Covid-19 until their patients are tested.

Regardless, there’s need to swab the nasal cavity.

So when I read about China’s anal swab, I recall reading that the membranes of the anus are actually quite thin and susceptible to disease contagion - hence the marked acquisition of AIDS virus among those who practice anal sex.

The virus is present in mouth swabs like other similar viruses. China’s anal swabs are likely to deposit other illnesses not otherwise contagious (e.g., there’s an illness that has symptoms that resembles Covid and it’s bacterial), or they are applying other chemical or nanobot substances.

There is some “population management” reason why China is enforcing anal swabs.

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