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To: EternalVigilance
Senator Carden's answer referred to the General Welfare clause in the Constitution.

The phrase "general welfare" occurs twice in the Consitution. The first time it appears is in the Preamable, which the courts have held to "convey no law." The second time it appears is in the taxation clause, about which James Madison (you know, the father or the Constitution) said:

Some, who have not denied the necessity of the power of taxation, have grounded a very fierce attack against the Constitution, on the language in which it is defined. It has been urged and echoed, that the power ``to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States,'' amounts to an unlimited commission to exercise every power which may be alleged to be necessary for the common defense or general welfare. No stronger proof could be given of the distress under which these writers labor for objections, than their stooping to such a misconstruction.

Had no other enumeration or definition of the powers of the Congress been found in the Constitution, than the general expressions just cited, the authors of the objection might have had some color for it; though it would have been difficult to find a reason for so awkward a form of describing an authority to legislate in all possible cases. A power to destroy the freedom of the press, the trial by jury, or even to regulate the course of descents, or the forms of conveyances, must be very singularly expressed by the terms ``to raise money for the general welfare. ''

But what color can the objection have, when a specification of the objects alluded to by these general terms immediately follows, and is not even separated by a longer pause than a semicolon? If the different parts of the same instrument ought to be so expounded, as to give meaning to every part which will bear it, shall one part of the same sentence be excluded altogether from a share in the meaning; and shall the more doubtful and indefinite terms be retained in their full extent, and the clear and precise expressions be denied any signification whatsoever? For what purpose could the enumeration of particular powers be inserted, if these and all others were meant to be included in the preceding general power? Nothing is more natural nor common than first to use a general phrase, and then to explain and qualify it by a recital of particulars. But the idea of an enumeration of particulars which neither explain nor qualify the general meaning, and can have no other effect than to confound and mislead, is an absurdity, which, as we are reduced to the dilemma of charging either on the authors of the objection or on the authors of the Constitution, we must take the liberty of supposing, had not its origin with the latter. [The Federalist No. 41 excerpt]

ML/NJ
8 posted on 08/13/2009 7:30:09 AM PDT by ml/nj
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To: ml/nj

bookmark


9 posted on 08/13/2009 7:31:54 AM PDT by kalee (01/20/13 The end of an error.... Obama even worse than Carter.)
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To: ml/nj

It completely astounds me that there are those who would seek the cousel of European courts and completely exclude the wisdom found here at home in the Federalist Papers.


10 posted on 08/13/2009 7:34:23 AM PDT by rjsimmon (1-20-2013 The Tree of Liberty Thirsts)
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To: ml/nj

Great post.


14 posted on 08/13/2009 7:42:26 AM PDT by EternalVigilance (Principled Independent Conservatives are winning.)
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To: ml/nj

Thanks for the info. I am using it in a debate with the statists on their forum. :D


16 posted on 08/13/2009 9:05:34 AM PDT by camp_steveo
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To: ml/nj

That is interesting. Read the 2A, with that in mind.


19 posted on 08/13/2009 9:40:35 AM PDT by patton (Obama has replaced "Res Publica" with "Quod licet Jovi non licet bovi.")
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