As promised; excerpts from The Prison Life of Jefferson Davis by John J. Craven, M.D. This is a first-hand account of the elation Davis felt when he was informed that he would "have his (and the South's) day in court."
(Will post the part about the atrocity of putting Davis in irons later on this thread.)
June 1st — Called with Captain Korte, Officer of the Day, about noon. Had been sent for at 8 P.M., but was away fishing. Mr. Davis was suffering from a numbness of the extremities, which he feared was incipient paralysis. Told him it was merely due to an enfeebled circulation, and recommended bathing and friction.
He asked me what luck fishing, and appeared in better spirits than usual. Had just heard, he said, through an irregular channel, that he had been indicted with Mr. Breckinridge in the District of Columbia, and hoped therefore that he was about to have a constitutional trial —not one by military commission, to which he would not have pleaded, regarding it as foregone murder. The news had reached him through the conversation of some soldiers in the guard-room, who sometimes spoke to each other in loud tones what they wished him to overhear. It was probably in no friendly spirit they had given him this news; but to him it was as welcome as air to the drowning.
He then referred to the severity of his treatment, supposing himself at present to be merely held for trial, and not already undergoing arbitrary punishment. As this conversation was a very important one, I took full note of it almost immediately on quitting his cell, and it is now given in very nearly, if not precisely, his own words:
“Humanity supposes every man innocent," urged Mr. Davis, “until the reverse shall be proven; and the laws guarantee certain privileges to persons held for trial. To hold me here for trial, under all the rigors of a condemned convict, is not warranted by law -—is revolting to the spirit of justice. In the political history of the world, there is no parallel to my treatment. England and the despotic governments of Europe have beheaded men accused of treason; but even after their conviction no such efforts as in my case have been made to degrade them. Apart, however, from my personal treatment, let us see bow this matter stands.
“If the real purpose in the matter be to test the question of secession by trying certain persons connected therewith for treason, from what class or classes should the persons so selected be drawn?
“From those who called the State Conventions, or from those who, in their respective conventions, passed the ordinance of seces sion? Or, from the authors of the doctrine of State rights? Or, from those citizens who, being absent from their States, were unconnected with the event, but on its occurrence returned to their homes to share the fortunes of their States as a duty of primal allegiance? Or from those officers of the State, who, being absent on public service, were called home by the ordinance, and returning, joined their fellow-citizens in State service, and followed the course due to that relation?
To the last class I belong, who am the object of greatest rigor. This can only be explained on the supposition that, having been most honored, I, therefore, excite most revengeful feelings —for how else can it be accounted for?
“I did not wish for war, but peace. Therefore [I] sent Commissioners to negotiate before war commenced; and subsequently strove my uttermost to soften the rigors of War; in every pause of conflict seeking, if possible, to treat for peace. Numbers of those already practically pardoned are those who, at the beginning, urged that the black flag should be hoisted, and the struggle made one of desperation.
“Believing the States to be each sovereign, and their union voluntary, I had learned from the Fathers of the Constitution that a State could change its form of government, abolishing all which had previously existed; and my only crime has been obedience to this conscientious conviction. Was not this the universal doctrine of the dominant Democratic party in the North previous to secession? Did not many of the opponents of that party, in the same section, share and avow that faith? They preached, and professed to believe. We believed, and preached, and practised.
“If this theory be now adjudged erroneous, the history of the States, from their colonial organization to the present moment, should be re-written, and the facts suppressed which may mislead others in a like manner to a like conclusion.
But if —as I suppose— the purpose be to test the question of secession by a judicial decision, why begin by oppressing the chief subject of the experiment? Why, in the name of fairness and a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, deprive him of the means needful to a preparation of his defence; and load him with indignities which must deprive his mind of its due equilibrium? It ill comports with the dignity of a great nation to evince fear of giving to a single captive enemy all the advantages possible for an exposition of his side of the question. A question settled by violence, or in disregard of law, must remain unsettled forever.
“Believing all good government to rest on truth, it is the resulting belief that injustice to any individual is a public injury, which can only find compensation in the reaction which brings retributive justice upon the oppressors. It has been the continually growing danger of the North, that in attempting to crush the liberties of my people, you would raise a Frankenstein of tyranny that would not [go] down at your bidding. Sydney, and Russell, and Vane, and Peters, suffered; but in their death Liberty received blessings their lives might never have conferred.
“If the doctrine of State Sovereignty be a dangerous heresy, the genius of America would indicate another remedy than the sacrifice of one of its believers. Wickliffe died, but Huss took up his teachings; and when the dust of this martyr was sprinkled on the Rhine, some essence of it was infused in the cup which Luther drank.
“The road to grants of power is known and open; and thus all questions of reserved rights on which men of highest distinction may differ, and have differed, can be settled by fair adjudication; and thus only can they be finally set at rest”
He then apologized for talking politics to one who should not hear such politics as his; but out of the fulness of the heart the mouth speaketh, and in his joy at the unhoped for news that he had been indicted, and was to have a trial which he supposed must be public, and which publicity would compel to be not wholly one-sided, there was some excuse for his indiscretion.
I had a distant relative that served with the President, he disagreed with him on many issues politically, but admired him greatly. Many on the other side fail to recognize that Davis fought a defensive war, and had insisted that it never come to that, yet his efforts to that end were rebuked and dismissed. What is amazing is that a country so outnumbered, and despite so many predictions for its quick demise, could last as long as they did. Alone, without help, they fought for what they knew was right - the right of self-government. The right of the people to choose their own path.
Davis wrote that the victors would rewrite history, and that we must remember the truth. We shall long remember our past. Deo vindice.
They are already working on it. Davis' insight is right on target - - unfortunately.
Good post one2many, thank you for sharing.
for dixie,sw