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A Taxi Driver’s Account of Tehran’s Protests and Massacre: I Need to Tell Someone What I Witnessed…

https://iranwire.com/en/features/148018-a-taxi-drivers-account-of-tehrans-protests-and-massacre-i-need-to-tell-someone-what-i-witnessed/
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On a Friday evening in Tehran, a taxi driver in his mid-50s began recounting what he witnessed during the protests of Thursday, January 8. He was dressed in black, later explaining that he was mourning the death of a friend’s son who was killed during the unrest.

“I don’t know what you do or why you’re in my taxi,” he said, “but I need to tell someone what I saw that night.”

At approximately 8:30 p.m. on January 8, the driver was standing at Sadaf Crossroads in Tehransar, a low-income district southwest of Tehran. Beside him was his 70-year-old next-door neighbor. He tried to dissuade her from joining the protests, warning that tear gas could seriously endanger her health.

She joined the crowd regardless, chanting slogans including: “Death to Khamenei,” “Death to the dictator,” “Khamenei, cry and lament,” and “Pahlavi will return.”

According to the driver, the crowd extended from Sadaf Crossroads to Kamalmolk Square, completely filling the street. Anti-riot police and Basiji militia on motorcycles initially fired tear gas and later used shotguns.

During the crackdown, the driver saw a woman fall to the ground. He realized it was his neighbor and, with the help of two young men, carried her to their residential building nearby.

Shortly afterward, three young men were shot by snipers positioned on the roof of a nearby high-rise commercial building. Two died at the scene. The third was critically wounded and removed by other protesters. Bystanders warned against taking him to a public hospital, fearing arrest by security forces.

On Sunday, January 11, the driver accompanied a friend to the Kahrizak forensic center to search for the friend’s missing son, who had participated in the protests.

Visitors were required to surrender their mobile phones. They were permitted to unzip body bags only to the chin. The driver personally viewed 17 bodies. None matched the missing man.

He estimated that between 300 and 400 bodies, sealed in black bags, were laid outdoors at the site. Eventually, the missing man’s cousin identified the body.

Authorities refused to release the body to extended family members, stating that only parents or siblings with official documents could claim it.

Despite the phone confiscation policy, videos from the morgue later appeared on opposition satellite channels. The driver believes the footage was recorded by state agents to intimidate families and discourage further protests.

Later that day, a shopkeeper told the narrator that police had confiscated his shop’s CCTV footage. He reported being summoned repeatedly by intelligence authorities and questioned about what he had witnessed during the protests.

Another resident said his nephew, a shopkeeper in Mahallat, Markazi Province, was arrested while opening his store. Four people were reportedly killed there, and an undeclared form of martial law was imposed.

The shopkeeper later stated that he is now required to pay repeated “penalties” to judicial authorities to avoid further harassment. He described the payments as extortion targeting eyewitnesses.

In Shahr-e Rey, south of Tehran near the Shah-Abdol-Azim Shrine, Basiji forces have reportedly been relocated from their base into Nabi Akram Hospital. Residents believe the move is intended to reduce casualties in the event of a foreign attack.

On Saturday night, January 17, chants were again heard in multiple neighborhoods, including: “Death to the dictator,” “This is the final battle,” and “Pahlavi will return.”

At approximately 5 a.m. the following morning, ten young men and women were detained from a residential tower building. According to residents, drones, neighborhood informants, and the building manager collaborated in identifying and arresting them.

As of January 20, international internet access in Tehran remained largely restricted. Only state-affiliated institutions retained full connectivity. Domestic networks were heavily censored, while VPN and filtering-bypass sellers reportedly profited from the restrictions.

Actors, athletes, and public figures were being summoned by authorities. Independent media were prohibited from reporting casualty figures or interviewing families of victims.

The Grand Bazaar reopened on January 22 but saw little commercial activity. Millions of skilled and IT-literate workers have reportedly lost clients and income due to prolonged disruptions.

Meanwhile, state television continued broadcasting forced confessions and promoting preparations for an early anniversary of the 1979 revolution.

Residents describe the situation as volatile and unpredictable, marked by widespread fear, uncertainty, and a sense of collective shock.