The hangup is going to be the need to defy the courts because they will invent "rights" that do not exist or make reference to UN documents while issuing injunctions to stop deportations.
Other Presidents have had to deal with this, it's not a new problem. Saying "John Marshall has made his decision, now let him enforce it", or "the Constitution is not a suicide pact", or recognizing that all three branches have a co-equal right to interpret the Constitution - all these are part of our history, and Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, and FDR are all generally well-regarded by historians.
But if Trump attempts involuntary deportation of people who, under our law have no right to be here, the question is, after he is impeached in the House for defying court orders, are there 34 Senators who will keep him in office? Will the military obey his orders?
Mass deportation will be opposed by every single element of our Constitutional system. Is Trump at age 78 a general who will cross the Rubicon and solve this problem, even if it upsets all you Constitution lovers? Does he have a political and legal team that will make the case that his inherent authority gives him all the powers he needs to do this?
I mean, I know he does. But this is what virtually all Americans and a lot of people here have been taught to call "fascism". Every time you hear that word, make sure you have one of Woodrow Wilson's dimes in your pocket for good luck:
You make a point.
I just think it can all be handled with the term “deportation”. Systematically cut the funding. Start off “slowly” and then continue at an increasing pace. Not paying for you anymore, we’ll help with a ride home.
Pin all the costs onto Soros, et al. They’re not paying those bills when they know they can force the taxpayers with help from Congress.
Be willing to fight, in PUBLIC - on tv - live, so everyone can see Congress fight him over funding. Let the “Republican” argue with the President over keeping the funding, while 70-80% of their constituents would love to see a trail of tears back to Mexico.
Especially when those same constituents see the bills they’re paying
Obviously, the “jobs Americans won’t do” topic comes up. I say, acknowledge it with certain criteria. Work permits. Taxes. Employer paid insurance - no dropping the guy at the ER. No subsidized housing. Enrolled in Entry/Exit program. Arrest=goodbye. A program like could work but it probably won’t be worth the money and oversight if you’re an employer. Right now, if you went to a tree farm in Georgia and imposed those rules, most of them would have 0 workers.
Jefferson:
“A judiciary independent of a king or executive alone is a good thing; but independence of the will of the nation is a solecism, at least in a republican government.” —Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Ritchie, 1820. ME 15:298
“The original error [was in] establishing a judiciary independent of the nation, and which, from the citadel of the law, can turn its guns on those they were meant to defend, and control and fashion their proceedings to its own will.” —Thomas Jefferson to John Wayles Eppes, 1807. FE 9:68
“It is a misnomer to call a government republican in which a branch of the supreme power is independent of the nation.” —Thomas Jefferson to James Pleasants, 1821. FE 10:198
“We have... [required] a vote of two-thirds in one of the Houses for removing a judge; a vote so impossible where any defense is made before men of ordinary prejudices and passions, that our judges are effectually independent of the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not indeed make them dependent on the Executive authority, as they formerly were in England; but I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this government that they should be submitted to some practical and impartial control, and that this, to be impartial, must be compounded of a mixture of state and federal authorities.” —Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, 1821. ME 1:120
“Impeachment is a farce which will not be tried again.” —Thomas Jefferson to William B. Giles, 1807. ME 11:191
“Let the future appointments of judges be for four or six years and renewable by the President and Senate. This will bring their conduct at regular periods under revision and probation, and may keep them in equipoise between the general and special governments. We have erred in this point by copying England, where certainly it is a good thing to have the judges independent of the King. But we have omitted to copy their caution also, which makes a judge removable on the address of both legislative houses.” —Thomas Jefferson to William T. Barry, 1822. ME 15:389
“Our different States have differently modified their several judiciaries as to the tenure of office. Some appoint their judges for a given term of time; some continue them during good behavior, and that to be determined on by the concurring vote of two-thirds of each legislative house. In England they are removable by a majority only of each house. The last is a practicable remedy; the second is not. The combination of the friends and associates of the accused, the action of personal and party passions and the sympathies of the human heart will forever find means of influencing one-third of either the one or the other house, will thus secure their impunity and establish them in fact for life. The first remedy is the better, that of appointing for a term of years only, with a capacity of reappointment if their conduct has been approved.” —Thomas Jefferson to A. Coray, 1823. ME 15:486
“Contrary to all correct example, [the Federal judiciary] are in the habit of going out of the question before them, to throw an anchor ahead and grapple further hold for future advances of power. They are then in fact the corps of sappers and miners, steadily working to undermine the independent rights of the States and to consolidate all power in the hands of that government in which they have so important a freehold estate.” —Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, 1821. ME 1:121
“The judges... are practicing on the Constitution by inferences, analogies, and sophisms, as they would on an ordinary law. They do not seem aware that it is not even a Constitution formed by a single authority and subject to a single superintendence and control, but that it is a compact of many independent powers, every single one of which claims an equal right to understand it and to require its observance.” —Thomas Jefferson to Edward Livingston, 1825. ME 16:113
“It has long been my opinion, and I have never shrunk from its expression,... that the germ of dissolution of our Federal Government is in the constitution of the Federal Judiciary—an irresponsible body (for impeachment is scarcely a scare-crow), working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little today and a little tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief over the field of jurisdiction until all shall be usurped from the States and the government be consolidated into one. To this I am opposed.” —Thomas Jefferson to Charles Hammond, 1821. ME 15:331
“At the establishment of our Constitutions, the judiciary bodies were supposed to be the most helpless and harmless members of the government. Experience, however, soon showed in what way they were to become the most dangerous; that the insufficiency of the means provided for their removal gave them a freehold and irresponsibility in office; that their decisions, seeming to concern individual suitors only, pass silent and unheeded by the public at large; that these decisions nevertheless become law by precedent, sapping by little and little the foundations of the Constitution and working its change by construction before any one has perceived that that invisible and helpless worm has been busily employed in consuming its substance. In truth, man is not made to be trusted for life if secured against all liability to account.” —Thomas Jefferson to A. Coray, 1823. ME 15:486
“I do not charge the judges with wilful and ill-intentioned error; but honest error must be arrested where its toleration leads to public ruin. As for the safety of society, we commit honest maniacs to Bedlam; so judges should be withdrawn from their bench whose erroneous biases are leading us to dissolution. It may, indeed, injure them in fame or in fortune; but it saves the republic, which is the first and supreme law.” —Thomas Jefferson: Autobiography, 1821. ME 1:122
https://famguardian.org/Subjects/Politics/ThomasJefferson/jeff1270.htm