Posted on 12/17/2006 4:03:30 PM PST by DAVEY CROCKETT
VEVAK learned its methodology from the Soviet KGB and many of the Islamist revolutionaries who supported Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini actually studied at Moscow's Patrice Lumumba Friendship University, the Oxford of terrorism. Documented Iranian alumni include the current Supreme Leader (the faqih) Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, under whose Velayat-e Faqih (Rule of the Islamic Jurisprudent) apparatus it has traditionally operated. Its current head is Cabinet Minister Hojatoleslam Gholam-Hussein Mohseni-Ezhei, a graduate of Qom's Haqqani School, noted for its extremist position advocating violence against enemies and strict clerical control of society and government. The Ministry is very well funded and its charge, like that of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (the Pasdaran) is to guard the revolutionary Islamic Iranian regime at all costs and under all contingencies.
From the KGB playbook, VEVAK learned the art of disinformation. It's not so difficult to learn: tell the truth 80% of the time and lie 20%. Depending on how well a VEVAK agent wants to cover his/her tracks, the ratio may go up to 90/10, but it never drops below the 80/20 mark as such would risk suspicion and possible detection. The regime in Teheran has gone to great lengths to place its agents in locations around the world. Many of these operatives have been educated in the West, including the U.K. and the United States. Iranian government agencies such as embassies, consulates, Islamic cultural centers, and airline offices regularly provide cover for the work of VEVAK agents who dress well and are clean shaven, and move comfortably within our society. In this country, because of the severance of diplomatic relations, the principal site of VEVAK activities begins at the offices of Iran's Permanent Mission to the UN in New York.
Teheran has worked diligently to place its operatives in important think tanks and government agencies in the West. Some of its personnel have been recruited while in prison through torture or more often through bribery, or a combination of both. Others are Islamist revolutionaries that have been set up to look like dissidents - often having been arrested and imprisoned, but released for “medical reasons”. The clue to detecting the fake “dissident” is to read carefully what he/she writes, and to ask why this vocal “dissident” was released from prison when other real dissidents have not been released, indeed have been grievously tortured and executed. Other agents have been placed in this country for over twenty-five years to slowly go through the system and rise to positions of academic prominence due to their knowledge of Farsi and Shia Islam or Islamist fundamentalism.
One of the usual tactics of VEVAK is to co-opt academia to its purposes. Using various forms of bribery, academics are bought to defend the Islamic Republic or slander its enemies. Another method is to assign bright students to train for academic posts as specialists in Iranian or Middle East affairs. Once established, such individuals are often consulted by our government as it tries to get a better idea of how it should deal with Iran. These academics then are in a position to skew the information, suggesting the utility of extended dialogue and negotiation, or the danger and futility of confronting a strong Iran or its proxies such as Hizballah (Hezbollah). These academics serve to shield the regime from an aggressive American or Western policy, and thereby buy more time for the regime to attain its goals, especially in regards to its nuclear weaponry and missile programs.
MOIS likes to use the media, especially electronic media, to its advantage. One of VEVAK's favorite tricks is setting up web sites that look like they are opposition sites but which are actually controlled by the regime. These sites often will be multilingual, including Farsi, German, Arabic French, and English. Some are crafted carefully and are very subtle in how they skew their information (e.g., Iran-Interlink, set up and run by Massoud Khodabandeh and his wife Ann Singleton from Leeds, England); others are less subtle, simply providing the regime's point of view on facts and events in the news (e.g., www.mujahedeen.com or www.mojahedin.ws). This latter group is aimed at the more gullible in our open society and unfortunately such a market exists. However, if one begins to do one's homework, asking careful questions, the material on these fake sites generally does not add up.
Let's examine a few examples of VEVAK's work in the United States. In late October, 2005, VEVAK sent three of its agents to Washington to stage a press event in which the principal Iranian resistance movement, the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MeK), was to be slandered. Veteran VEVAK agent Karim Haqi flew from Amsterdam to Canada where he was joined by VEVAK's Ottawa agents Amir-Hossein Kord Rostami and Mahin (Parvin-Mahrokh) Haji, and the three flew from Toronto to Washington. Fortunately the resistance had been tracking these three, informed the FBI of their presence in Washington, and when the three tried to hold a press conference, the resistance had people assigned to ask pointed questions of them so that they ended the interview prematurely and fled back to Canada.
Abolghasem Bayyenet is a member of the Iranian government. He serves as a trade expert for the Ministry of Commerce. But his background of study and service in the Foreign Ministry indicates that Bayyenet is more than just an economist or a suave and savvy businessman. In an article published in Global Politician on April 23, 2006, entitled “Is Regime Change Possible in Iran?”, Bayyenet leads his audience to think that he is a neutral observer, concerned lest the United States make an error in its assessment of Iran similar to the errors of intelligence and judgment that led to our 2003 invasion of Iraq, with its less than successful outcome. However, his carefully crafted bottom line is that the people of Iran are not going to support regime change and that hardliner President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad actually has achieved greater popularity than his predecessors because of his concern for the problems of the poor and his fight for economic and social justice. To the naive, Bayyenet makes Ahmadinejad sound positively saintly. Conveniently overlooked is the occurrence of over four thousand acts of protest, strikes, anti-regime rallies, riots, and even political assassinations by the people of Iran against the government in the year since Ahmadinejad assumed office. So too, the following facts are ignored: the sizeable flight of capital, the increase in unemployment, and the rising two-figure rate of inflation, all within this last year. Bayyenet is a regime apologist, and when one is familiar with the facts, his arguments ring very hollow. However, his English skills are excellent, and so the naОve might be beguiled by his commentary.
Mohsen Sazegara is VEVAK's “reformed revolutionary”. A student supporter of Khomeini before the 1979 revolution, Sazegara joined the “imam” on his return from exile and served in the government for a decade before supposedly growing disillusioned.
He formed several reformist newspapers but ran afoul of the hardliners in 2003 and was arrested and imprisoned by VEVAK. Following “hunger strikes”, Sazegara was released for health reasons and permitted to seek treatment abroad. Although critical of the government and particularly of Ahmadinejad and KhameneМ, Sazegara is yet more critical of opposition groups, leaving the impression that he favors internal regime change but sees no one to lead such a movement for the foreseeable future. His bottom line: no one is capable of doing what needs to be done, so we must bide our time. Very slick, but his shadow shows his likely remaining ties to the MOIS.
http://www.ocnus.net/artman/publish/article_27144.shtml
Thanks for the ping!
http://www2.irna.ir/en/news/view/menu-234/0702207733185805.htm
Durrani: Any US strike on Iran will mean attack on Muslim ummah
Islamabad, Feb 20, IRNA
Iran-US-Pakistan
Chief Minister of Pakistan's North West Frontier Province Akram Khan
Durrani said here Tuesday that any US strike on Iran would be
considered
as attack on Muslim Ummah.
"Any such attack would be dangerous for the US and its allies," said
Durrani in a meeting with Turkish ambassador to Islamabad Aingon
Soa-Sal
here on Tuesday.
Dismissing Afghan government's allegations that Pakistan meddled in
Afghan internal affairs, Durrani said, "Generally such claims are
baseless."
He said the claims would disrupt attempts for establishment of peace
between the two countries.
He added that any insecurity and unrest in Afghanistan would put both
the country and its neighbors in danger.
Criticizing the US and other western states for invading Afghanistan,
Durrani said that in future, situation in Afghanistan will be harmful
both for the US and Europe.
"People of Pakistan are for peace, friendship and security worldwide;
unrest in Afghanistan will jeopardize national interest and progress of
Pakistan and of other regional states," warned Durrani.
Saying that US presence in the region has made it insecure, Durrani
said
that unfortunately, Muslim states become victims of the US aggressive
policies one after another.
Unrest and anarchy in Afghanistan and Iraq are result of wrong policies
of the western states, led by the US, added the Pakistani official.
He said that instead of looking into reasons of the 9/11 incident,
westerners massacre innocent Muslim people of Afghanistan.
Pakistan, though being in front line of campaign against terrorists, is
subject to the vain allegations, he complained.
He said Pakistan is mostly the target of such bitter events as suicide
attacks, explosions, killing or injury of innocent citizens in its
different cities due to being in front line of campaign.
At least four million Afghans sought refuge in Pakistani provinces
following former Soviet's invasion on Afghanistan, he noted.
He hoped for stronger friendship between Pakistan and Turkey in the
future.
Soa-Sal, stressing promotion of mutual political and economic
relations,
discussed issues of the two-way interest at the meeting.
The Turkish diplomat held a separate meeting with a Pakistani commander
in the north of the country General Mohammad Hamed Khan.
Thank you.
So young, to be dead.
I hope you put all these people, in a book, maybe with some of ours that were taken from us in OKC and on 9-11.
They have robbed us of the best that we produced, those that would have led us into the future.
Aide to radical cleric al-Sadr freed from military custody
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/02/23/africa/ME-GEN-Iraq-Al-Sadr.php
Aide to radical cleric al-Sadr freed from military custody
The Associated Press
Published: February 23, 2007
BAGHDAD, Iraq: A top aide of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has
been released from U.S. custody after being held for five months, an
al-Sadr official said Friday.
Salah al-Obeidi, a spokesman for al-Sadr, was freed on Wednesday and
appeared "in good shape" at Friday prayers in Kufa, about 160
kilometers
(100 miles) south of Baghdad, said the official, who spoke on condition
of anonymity because he was not authorized to brief the media.
Al-Obeidi and another member of al-Sadr's inner circle, Muayed
al-Khazraji, were taken in a raid in September by U.S. and Iraqi
forces.
No charges were made public, but U.S.-led authorities have increased
pressure on al-Sadr and his Mahdi Army militia as part of sweeps to
battle sectarian violence.
The U.S. military did not immediately comment on the reported release.
It was not known whether al-Khazraji also was released.
Al-Sadr's forces have significantly lowered their profile in parts of
Baghdad since a major security effort began last week, including a drop
in reports of Sunni killings blamed on Shiite death squads.
Saeedi: Iran made 15-page document available to IAEA inspectors
http://www2.irna.ir/en/news/view/menu-234/0702245888195439.htm
Saeedi: Iran made 15-page document available to IAEA inspectors
Tehran, Feb 24, IRNA
Nuclear-Saeedi-ElBaradei
Deputy Head of Iran's Atomic Energy Agency Mohammad Saeedi said here
Saturday that Iran responded positively to the UN nuclear watchdog's
call to see the 15-page document on production of metallic uranium.
He told IRNA that Iran prepared the grounds for making the document
available to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors,
while it could have rejected the call.
Concerning plutonium tests, he said that in a letter, the IAEA called
for more accurate and complete information on Iran's plutonium test.
About the reference to Arak heavy water projects in the report of IAEA
chief, Mohamed ElBaradei, he said that according to the IAEA, the
reactors have been tested and no problem has been observed.
Replying to the question about the activities underway at the Uranium
Conversion Facilities (UCF) in Isfahan and Natanz, he said that their
various stages are viewed by IAEA cameras and inspected by its
inspectors.
He noted that the activities in Natanz facilities are conducted under
the supervision of the IAEA and are inspected once a month.
Turning to the propaganda of Western media on the issue, he said that
they continue despite ElBaradei's recent report which confirms that no
reprocessing activities have been detected.
Saeedi pointed to another section of ElBaradei's report about no
deviation to banned activities and material has been observed in Iran's
nuclear activities and raised the question, "Why does the UNSC, which
should provide the ground for promotion of peace and tranquility,
itself
cause insecurity and international chaos?" "ElBaradei has declared that
based on NPT, Iran has facilitated access of IAEA inspectors to the
nuclear facilities in Arak, Natanz and Isfahan, which shows that the
propaganda of Western media on Iran are baseless," he added.
Haaretz 18.02.07: Assad, Ahmadinejad vow to form alliance against U.S., Israel
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/objects/pages/PrintArticleEn.jhtml?itemNo=826953
Last update - 21:54 17/02/2007
Assad, Ahmadinejad vow to form alliance against U.S., Israel
By Haaretz Service and Agencies
Iranian President Mahmoud Adhmadinejad and Syrian President Bashar
Assad on
Saturday vowed to form an alliance against what they called U.S. and
Israeli conspiracies against the Islamic world.
Iran's ISNA news agency quoted Ahmadinejad as saying that the Islamic
world
in general and Iran and Syria in particular should maintain their
vigilance
and neutralize conspiracies aimed at sowing discord among Muslims.
Ahmadinejad said that what the U.S. really aims for under the pretext
of
development in the region "is just another effort to strengthen its own
status and that of the Zionists."
The Iranian president also praised the agreement by rival Palestinian
factions Hamas and Fatah to form a unity government.
"Dispute among Muslim factions has always been harmful for regional
nations
and useful for Islam's enemies," he said.
ISNA quoted Assad as saying that expansion of Tehran-Damascus ties
would
help resolve the problems of the Islamic world. He accused the U.S. of
trying to attract public opinion within the Islamic world by
undermining
Iran-Syria relations.
"America's policies have failed in the region ... By creating divisions
among Muslim nations, Washington wants to pursue its aims," IRNA quoted
Assad as saying during his meeting with Ahmadinejad, who urged "Muslim
countries to preserve unity."
The Syrian leader said Muslims worldwide should be informed about "the
evil
aims by the U.S. and Zionists" which he said were sowing discord among
Muslims.
Assad arrived earlier Saturday in Tehran for a two-day visit to discuss
developments in the Middle East and was scheduled to also meet Iran's
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, former president Akbar
Hashemi-Rafsanjani and chief nuclear negotiator Ali Larijani.
On the agenda would be Iraq, Lebanon and cooperation with the
Palestinians. Assad was in Tehran in August 2005 immediately after
the start of Ahmadinejad's presidential term.
Ahmadinejad said earlier Saturday that Lebanon and Hezbollah have his
complete support in their struggle against Israel and the United
States.
"Iran and Lebanon are two parts of the same body, and only through
cooperation between our two nations will it be possible to foil the
conspiracies of the enemy," Ahmadinejad said.
"Thanks to Hezbollah, the Lebanese people have become a symbol of
courage,
faith and respect for all nations, and all this through the power of
resistance," Ahmadinejad added.
On Friday, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah said that his organization
is
entitled to secretly transfer arms in order to fight Israel, and that
he
will not forgive the Lebanese Army for seizing last week an arms-laden
truck that belonged to Hezbollah.
Nasrallah said "we have plenty of weapons ... and we have the right to
transport our arms to combat Israel."
Nasrallah said the arms transfers are carried out in secret in order
"to
hide them from the Israeli enemy."
The Hezbollah chief added that his group has no intention of disarming,
and
intends to maintain its forces in southern Lebanon. "The resistance
will
always stand by the Lebanese Army in southern Lebanon, with our
weapons,
men and blood... to defend Lebanon," he said.
Hezbollah is "ready to give the army all the arms it needs," but will
not
forgive anyone who confiscates even a single bullet, Nasrallah added.
Nasrallah was speaking at a Beirut rally marking the anniversary of the
assassination of his predecessor, Sheik Abbas Musawi, who was killed in
1992 in an Israeli strike.
Last week, the Lebanese Army confiscated a truck that was full of
Hezbollah
weapons.
Lebanese Defense Minister Elias Murr said during a televised interview
that
the arms shipment was comprised of rockets, but staunchly denied
allegations that the shipment came from Syria, saying it originated
from
within Lebanese territory.
The Shi'ite organization announced that the truck belongs to it, and
demanded that the Lebanese Army release it immediately.
The incident heightened tensions between Lebanon's government and
Hezbollah, which has called for its overthrow.
Nasrallah, vowed on Friday to continue the opposition campaign led by
his
militant group to force Prime Minister Fuad Saniora to share power or
step
down, saying he was confident of eventual triumph, claiming the
militants
had the resources for it.
"No one should imagine that the opposition's coffers have emptied," he
said. "If the (demands) are not met, the opposition will continue its
actions by means which it finds appropriate."
However, Nasrallah insisted his Sh'ite Muslim followers would not
incite a
conflict that could degenerate into a civil war. Saniora is backed by
the
country's Sunnis.
"Civil war is a red line," Nasrallah said, an expression he also used
last
month after scuffles between pro- and anti-government supporters turned
into Shi'ite-Sunni sectarian clashes that killed eight people.
Debka 15.02.07: Saudis to purchase nuclear option, advanced missiles and spy satellites off the shelf from Pakistan and Russia
http://www.debka.com/headline.php?hid=3838
DEBKAfile Exclusive: Saudis to purchase nuclear option, advanced
missiles
and spy satellites off the shelf from Pakistan and Russia
February 15, 2007, 3:27 PM (GMT+02:00)
Moscow will assist in Saudi development of a civilian nuclear program
and
build six "research satellites" for the oil kingdom. DEBKAfile's Gulf
intelligence sources report this was agreed in the talks held in Riyadh
earlier this week by visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin and King
Abdullah. Israeli military sources report that Moscow in fact undertook
to
provide Saudi Arabia with half a dozen military surveillance
satellites,
launch them and set up ground control centers, thereby making the oil
kingdom the first Middle East national with a multiple spy satellite
capability for tracking the military movements of its neighbors,
including
Iran and Israel.
This Saudi-Russian venture has got Israel worried because it will
enable
Riyadh to pick up highly sensitive intelligence on its military
movements
and relay it to Egypt and the Palestinians.
This development confirms DEBKA-Net-Weekly's previous disclosures that
the
Saudis do not intend wasting time developing their own military
capabilities but are going shopping for finished products.
On Jan. 21, Saudi rulers favored visiting Pakistani president Gen.
Pervez
Musharraf with exception honors when he arrived at the outset of a tour
of
five Arab capitals. DEBKA-Net-Weekly described King Abdullah as
personally
welcoming the visitor and driving him in the royal convoy to a palace
outside the capital where they were closeted alone for three hours. The
king also conferred on the Pakistani ruler the King Abdul Aziz Award.
This ceremonial led up to an epic accord of 7 secret clauses on the
terms
in which Pakistan would make nuclear weapons available to, and sell,
Saudi
Arabia nuclear-capable missiles. DEBKA-Net-Weekly's sources revealed
that
Musharraf undertook to make them available in the event of a nuclear
emergency facing Saudi Arabia, the Gulf emirates, Egypt or Jordan. A
mechanism was thus set up for Saudi Arabia to potentially beat Iran to
the
draw in acquiring a nuclear bomb, as well as controlling the security
of
its allies.
16,000 say no to mosque
http://www.expressandstar.co.uk/2007/02/23/16000-say-no-to-mosque/
16,000 say no to mosque
Sixteen thousand residents have put their name to a petition protesting
against plans for a mosque and community centre in Dudley.
The dossier of signatures was delivered by Ukip Councillor Malcolm
Davis
to Dudley Council yesterday - the deadline day for objections.
Despite the overwhelming opposition to the project, the Express & Star
revealed the £18 million scheme earmarked for land in Hall Street had
been recommended for approval in “exceptional circumstances.â€
Planners have admitted the scheme does go against planning guidelines
which say industrial land should be used for developments generating
industrial jobs.Councillors on the development control committee now
have to decide whether to approve the application - or reject the
advice
and throw out the scheme at a public meeting on Tuesday.
Ukip Councillor Malcolm Davis, who has led opposition to the
multi-million pound proposals, previously said recommending the scheme
for approval would be a “monumental disgraceâ€.
Dudley Muslim Association submitted plans for the £12million community
centre and £6million mosque with 65ft minaret on January 15.
Opposition
to the project has grown after the original plans sparked protests from
more than 2,000 people in 2005.
Despite Dudley Muslim Association saying it would allay people’s
fears,
the revised scheme has attracting even more objections.
Protestors say the scheme would not fit in with Dudley’s heritage and
would cause traffic congestion.
But Dudley Muslim Association Khurshid Ahmed said most of the
objections
were based on misconceptions about the size of the project and how it
would be funded.
http://www.deanesmay.com/posts/1172164379.shtml
Chlorine Attacks in Iraq, like in Yemen
Jane Novak
Chlorine used as a chemical weapon in Iraq.....hmmmm, now why does that sound oddly familiar? Yellow gas clouds and all.
I thought it was interesting that when Yemeni President Saleh went to Saadah for a visit in 2006, he went directly to Suleiman cave, referenced in an article I wrote in 2005 as the location of an alleged chlorine gas attack by the Yemeni military on the Shiite rebels. We had quite an interesting discussion about chlorine here at Dean's World at the time, I recall.
Chemical Weapons: It is questionable whether the Yemeni military’s response to the Houthi rebellion was proportionate, reasonable and justified. The primarily Shiite region of Saada was decimated by a military force comprised of former Iraqi military men, Afghan Arabs and Yemeni military personnel, under the leadership of General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, a reputed Al Qaeda sympathizer and President Saleh’s half brother. Persistent news reports and published interviews have charged that General Mohsen used gas as a weapon during the conflicts in Saada.
Highly respected religious scholar Mohamed Almansour wrote a letter to President Saleh in March 2005, which stated, “We condemn all things that happened in the previous months such as excessive use of force by the government forces and the use of internationally prohibited weapons.” In May, Alquds Alarabia reported that rebel leader Abdelmalik al-Houthi said, “The government attacked us with internationally prohibited weapons like chlorine gas that caused an inability to breathe.” He also referred to “colored gas.” An article in the opposition newspaper al-Shoura in June listed the names of imprisoned children, including Bader Aldeen Abdula Moslih who was described as “12 years old, very ill from nervous system and skin damage as a result of chlorine gas used by the army in the first war last year.” In an internet interview the same month, a Houthi partisan and purported eyewitness described “some special missile which turns into many particles, yellow and then red. The cloud goes up slowly. When it explodes it is yellow, when the particles come down they are red.” The cloud caused an inability to breathe, he reported.
Yahya al-Houthi, an exiled Member of Parliament in the ruling party and brother of slain rebel leader Hussain al-Houthi, wrote in an e-mail “Most of the injured persons have died especially those who were hiding in Suleiman Cave. They were exposed to chemical gas … The area surrounding Suleiman Cave is still closed by the Army to prevent any one from taking samples to be analyzed by chemical weapon experts. The Army also burned all bodies in that area so they don’t leave any evidence for the international community.
“They used gas in the area of Alqari Mountain in the village of Neshoor … The result of the attack was the death of all 40 men who were protecting the area. The bodies of the dead still missing tell now. The government forces used the tanks to destroy the graves so no one can find the dead bodies if he or she needs to look for any evidence.” Certainly, the Yemeni regime could put these allegations to rest by inviting international inspectors into the region that remains closed off.
Izzat Al-Douri, and one of Saddam's nephews (Omar I think), and a variety of other high level exiled Baathists are said to be currently directing and funding a substantial portion of the Iraqi insurgency from Yemen, not the mention the regular flow of teen-aged jihaddists arriving in Iraq from Yemen weekly. Indications are that these efforts are substantially aided by subverted elements within the Yemeni regime itself.
Update here on the current use of terrorists as an internal paramilitary in Yemen.
http://mypetjawa.mu.nu/archives/186645.php
February 22, 2007
Yemen Deploys Domestic and Foreign Terrorists as Paramilitary
A few points about that old "Shiite rebellion" going on in Yemen:
Its been going on since 2004 and started as a small domestic protest against Yemeni policy, its alliance with the US, and governmental corruption. There's about 600 fighters and an old man holed up on a mountain.
The regime is currently accusing the Houthi rebels of being tools of a foreign agenda, by which it means Libya- which as we know has previously cursed Saudi Arabia's mustache. Before that, the regime accused (2004-2006) Yemeni Jews, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iran as financing the Houthis.The Saudi's are probably the most substantial foreign influence and are of course supporting the Yemeni regime's efforts to crush the Shiite rebellion (which is occuring in Saada, North Yemen - ie, along Saudi Arabia's southern border.)
In previous years, credible reports surfaced of regime targeting of or at least disregard for civilian damages and casualties, mass arbitrary arrests and politicized trials of regime critics. (Generally the al-Qaeda get acquited; regime critics get death or long sentences.) Rural villagers are again fleeing to the mountains to avoid ariel bombardment and cross fire. In 2005, during the second Saada War, about 7000 families were internally displaced.
Currently, an assortment of terrorists has joined the battle in support of the government. (Now, come on, what does that say about the sincerity of Yemen's efforts against terrorism?)
There's the “foreign gangs that escaped Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Somalia and Iraq” (along with the exiled Iraqi Baathist generals who reside in Yemen) that Yahya al-Houthi said are currently militarily engaging the Houthis in Saada. Well, the Somalis needed something to do now that the ICU was defeated...
Also in the fray on the government side, Khalidabdul Nabi, leader of the Aden Abyan Islamic Army who last we heard, was a peaceful farmer.
YT: In related news, media sources reported that extremist groups from Aden-Abyan Army, whose number wasn’t defined, have headed to Sa’ada governorate to join military units in their war against Al-Houthi rebels. This was timed with the official military’s mobilizing address, which calls for fighting Al-Houthis.
Shoura.net quoted local sources in Abyan as saying that Salafi groups were transferred from Abyan to Sa’ada last Monday to fight with government forces.
The same sources also revealed that groups belonging to Hittat Jihadists, headed by Khalid Abdunabi – coincidentally, groups which fought the army within past years – also have joined army forces after being prompted by an inciting address against Shi’ites in Abyan’s mosques.
Sources referred to last Friday’s sermon in Zingibar’s Al-Toumisi Mosque, wherein the preacher called Shi’ite followers “disbelievers,” along with those who support Hezbollah and its leader, Hassan Nasrallah.
Adopting a blasphemous address against Shi’ites, many government institutions, armed forces and security leaderships, together with the local authority in Sa’ada, last Friday called upon all citizens there – whom they described as nationalists – to fight Al-Houthis.
Additionally, the Ministry of Endowments officially announced that it has distributed more than 300 preachers throughout all Yemeni governorates, including Sa’ada, to eliminate the Houthi sedition. Their sermons focus on blaspheming the 12th Shi’ite and warn about their risks. Minister of Endowments Hamoud Obad accused unnamed Shi’ite nations and institutions of supporting Houthis, noting that Yemen is being subjected to a vast conspiracy.
Abyan’s Forum for Reconciliation and Toleration last Tuesday denounced what it called the authority’s racial and inciting address against major components of civil society.
Published via Shoura.net, the statement assured that “Abyan’s Forum rejects using force to face public demands.” It also pointed out that it denounces the authority’s address, which describes Houthis as a terrorist group.
So the regime is replacing Shiite preachers with Salafis (this has been going on for a while), using the public media to spread hate speech against Shiites in general, and the article linked above says the regime is bombing civilian areas with some disregard. Reports have uniformly indicated wounded civilians are unable to reach medical centers, but differ on who is blocking the roads. The phone lines to the region, which is sealed off militarily, have been cut by the regime as a tactical measure to disrupt rebel communications it says. Last week, the regime denied that it had deployed "fighters" in Saada.
Just a last point, Yahya al-Houthi is a member of Parliament for the ruling GPC, and the brother of rebel leader AbdulMalik al-Houthi. He has been in exile in Germany since 2005. Yahya unlike his brother appears (for the last two years that I've been watching him) to be a moderate and has been continually calling for peaceful reconciliation. The regime put an Interpol request out for his extridition to Yemen.
So when you see the ticker that says, "Yemen Battles Shiite Rebels," know that it is battling them with Salafi terrorists.
By Jane at February 22, 2007
[a snippet from this 2005 article]
Highly respected religious scholar Mohamed Almansour wrote a letter to President Saleh in March 2005, which stated, “We condemn all things that happened in the previous months such as excessive use of force by the government forces and the use of internationally prohibited weapons.” In May, Alquds Alarabia reported that rebel leader Abdelmalik al-Houthi said, “The government attacked us with internationally prohibited weapons like chlorine gas that caused an inability to breathe.” He also referred to “colored gas.” An article in the opposition newspaper al-Shoura in June listed the names of imprisoned children, including Bader Aldeen Abdula Moslih who was described as “12 years old, very ill from nervous system and skin damage as a result of chlorine gas used by the army in the first war last year.” In an internet interview the same month, a Houthi partisan and purported eyewitness described “some special missile which turns into many particles, yellow and then red. The cloud goes up slowly. When it explodes it is yellow, when the particles come down they are red.” The cloud caused an inability to breathe, he reported.<<<
http://www.worldpress.org/print_article.cfm?article_id=2282&dont=yes
Yemen
Drug Smuggling and Other Crimes of the Dictator
Jane Novak, Worldpress.org contributing editor, October 14, 2005
Yemenis demonstrating against firearms in the capitol city of Sanaa last month called on parliament to pass a gun control bill that was drafted and submitted about 10 years ago. (Photo: Khaled Fazaa / AFP-Getty Images)
President Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen is scheduled to visit the United States in November for a round of meetings with President Bush and other high-ranking officials. As the representative of the Yemeni people, Saleh deserves a great deal of respect and hospitality. Yet it has become increasingly apparent that the regime, under the total domination of President Saleh, is engaged in a wide variety of criminal activities to the detriment of regional stability and the Yemeni people themselves.
Drug Smuggling: One regionally destabilizing regime activity is drug smuggling. A variety of illegal drugs is smuggled via the Indian Ocean into the southern Yemeni governorate of Hadramawt. The drugs are then transported inland to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States under the supervision of a close relative of the president who is also responsible for the governmental security apparatus, a well-informed former regime official reported. The Saudis regularly report seizing tons of drugs (as well as guns and other prohibited materials) from Yemeni smugglers.
The profits from many illegal transactions are thought to be laundered through real estate transactions by front companies in Dubai. Once laundered, the money finds it way to bank accounts in Europe, notably Germany.
Weapons Trafficking: Both the United States and the United Nations have expressed concern regarding the amount of illegal arms transfers from Yemen. The Yemeni weapons pipeline has two sources of supply: the black market and legitimate military purchases.
Published reports have indicated that local gangs of arms traffickers in Serbia, Slovakia, Montenegro, Croatia and Kosovo ship weapons from the ports in Montenegro and Croatia to Yemen. Additionally some weapons purchased by the Yemeni military are diverted into the black market. The serial numbers for two assault rifles used in an attack on the U.S. consulate in Saudi Arabia have been traced to Yemen’s Defense Ministry. Five U.S. consulate employees died in the attack.
Independent analyst Shaun Overton noted, “Many people believe that Yemeni military officers bear responsibility for the distribution of weapons in the country. Arms can flow legally into Yemen for the legitimate purpose of supplying the army.” The poorest nation in the Arab world, Yemen is among its top weapons purchasers. The rise in Yemen’s military budget, which tripled from 1998 to 2003, corresponds with an increase in weapons trafficking activity, an enterprise reputedly supervised by a close relative of President Saleh who is a top military leader.
The Yemeni weapons pipeline illegally supplies weapons to various groups in the Sudan, Somalia, Palestine, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, and to Al Qaeda. According to Elaph, an Arabic Web site, “The Saudis were very furious as the latest battles with terrorists in Saudi Arabia revealed that all weapons and explosives used by the Qaeda fighters were bought and smuggled from Yemeni arms markets.” An Israeli military intelligence official said, “The weapons are smuggled by private gangs but with full knowledge of the authorities …”
Illegal transfers are also made directly by the military. A recent U.N. report noted that the Yemeni government had admitted sending 5000 “personal weapons” to the government of Somalia despite a U.N. weapons embargo. The weapons were delivered by the Yemeni air force. The report also noted a much larger deal brokered between Yemen and Somalia that included rocket launchers, anti-tank weapons, shoulder-fired missiles and other armaments. Previously, Yemeni tanks discovered in the Sudan were disavowed by the Yemeni government. The Yemeni military recently banned journalists from reporting on military topics without prior approval.
Active Support of Terrorists: It is no secret that Al Qaeda affiliated members of the Yemeni military and security forces are aiding terrorists. A Yemeni government official stated that “subversive” (Al Qaeda) elements of Yemen’s secret service have established training camps for Iraqi Baathists who later fight in Iraq. Military analyst James Dunnigan wrote recently, “There are many Al Qaeda sympathizers in the Yemeni military and government as well. These sympathizers have been discreetly aiding Iraqi Baath Party officials who have fled Iraq, and now Syria. There has also been some active, but covert, support for the terrorists operating in Iraq.”
Dunnigan’s assessment corresponds with that of former Yemeni ambassador to Syria, Ahmed Abdullah al-Hasani, who recently requested political asylum in London. A former commander of Yemen’s navy, al-Hasani stated at a press conference “Al Qaeda elements are at the top in Yemen, in the army and political security forces.” In an Associated Press report, Yemeni Socialist Party lawmaker Mohammed Salah said, “The government deals with terrorists in a way to keep them under their control, to use them when it needs to.”
A recent study for the Center for Strategic and International Studies by Anthony Cordesman found that 17 percent of foreign fighters in Iraq were likely Yemeni. This figure does not account for fighters of other nationalities trained in Yemen. Twenty suicide bombings in Iraq were perpetrated by Yemenis, reported al-Thawry newspaper. Two individuals charged with involvement in the Cole bombings who “escaped” along with eight other suspects were later reported to have carried out suicide bombings in Iraq, which resulted in dozens of deaths.
Beyond training and support, there is reportedly an established terrorist transit route through Yemen to Iraq. A Saudi source recently told the London based Saudi paper Asharq Alawsat that generally, “A young man decides he wants to fight in Iraq, illegally enters Yemen, travels to Syria and is subsequently smuggled across the border into Iraq.”
Counterfeit Money: The Central Bank of Yemen distributed a substantial amount of forged currency to its clients. Confirmed as forgeries by the Yemeni police, the bogus currency distributed by the Taiz branch of the Yemen Central Bank was in both Saudi and Yemeni denominations, according to al-Wahdawi news. Counterfeit Saudi riyals are thought to be regularly smuggled into Saudi Arabia to be exchanged with authentic denominations.
Adel al-Dhahab, the lawyer who had handled counterfeiting cases for the Reserve Bank of Yemen in 2004, reported that some of the counterfeit money stored for protection by the Reserve Bank was stolen (and presumably re-circulated) by a high ranking official in the Ministry of the Interior, until the prosecutor was forced to stamp every bill as counterfeit to prevent such practices. Al-Dhahab also confirmed that the Central Bank is used as a mechanism of transferring and investing the personal funds of top officials overseas.
Diesel Smuggling: Researcher Sarah Philips reported that a well-informed ex-parliamentarian from the ruling General People’s Congress (G.P.C.), said that “high-ranking regime officials smuggled large quantities of subsidized diesel from Yemen’s southern ports to the Horn of Africa, transferring at least 20 to 30 percent of the public money used to pay for the subsidies into their own pockets.” She found that at a time when imports of other products (including diesel consuming machinery) decreased slightly, “the rapid increase in Yemen’s diesel imports makes a circumstantial case” for large-scale smuggling.
Abduljabar Saad, under secretary of the finance minister, in his resignation letter dated Aug. 16, 2005, objected to widespread corruption throughout the ministry. He also noted the large increase in publicly subsidized diesel intended for the Yemeni public and he stated with a fair amount of certitude that it “is being smuggled to neighboring markets.”
Chemical Weapons: It is questionable whether the Yemeni military’s response to the Houthi rebellion was proportionate, reasonable and justified. The primarily Shiite region of Saada was decimated by a military force comprised of former Iraqi military men, Afghan Arabs and Yemeni military personnel, under the leadership of General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, a reputed Al Qaeda sympathizer and President Saleh’s half brother. Persistent news reports and published interviews have charged that General Mohsen used gas as a weapon during the conflicts in Saada.
Highly respected religious scholar Mohamed Almansour wrote a letter to President Saleh in March 2005, which stated, “We condemn all things that happened in the previous months such as excessive use of force by the government forces and the use of internationally prohibited weapons.” In May, Alquds Alarabia reported that rebel leader Abdelmalik al-Houthi said, “The government attacked us with internationally prohibited weapons like chlorine gas that caused an inability to breathe.” He also referred to “colored gas.” An article in the opposition newspaper al-Shoura in June listed the names of imprisoned children, including Bader Aldeen Abdula Moslih who was described as “12 years old, very ill from nervous system and skin damage as a result of chlorine gas used by the army in the first war last year.” In an internet interview the same month, a Houthi partisan and purported eyewitness described “some special missile which turns into many particles, yellow and then red. The cloud goes up slowly. When it explodes it is yellow, when the particles come down they are red.” The cloud caused an inability to breathe, he reported.
Yahya al-Houthi, an exiled Member of Parliament in the ruling party and brother of slain rebel leader Hussain al-Houthi, wrote in an e-mail “Most of the injured persons have died especially those who were hiding in Suleiman Cave. They were exposed to chemical gas … The area surrounding Suleiman Cave is still closed by the Army to prevent any one from taking samples to be analyzed by chemical weapon experts. The Army also burned all bodies in that area so they don’t leave any evidence for the international community.
“They used gas in the area of Alqari Mountain in the village of Neshoor … The result of the attack was the death of all 40 men who were protecting the area. The bodies of the dead still missing tell now. The government forces used the tanks to destroy the graves so no one can find the dead bodies if he or she needs to look for any evidence.” Certainly, the Yemeni regime could put these allegations to rest by inviting international inspectors into the region that remains closed off.
Selling the Port: In a stunningly blatant act of economic malfeasance, the Yemeni government recently entered into a 30-year contract for the port of Aden with its largest competitor, Dubai Ports International (D.P.I.). World Bank documents state that Dubai is in direct competition for container transshipment business with Aden. The port of Aden is located along international shipping routes, giving it a strong advantage over ports in Dubai, which are 1600 miles away.
The majority owners of D.P.I. also are the managers of the Jabal Ali free zone in Dubai. D.P.I. will pay $83.5 million as a rent over 30 years for the Aden free zone, an area of 32 million square meters, effectively paying less than one penny per square meter in monthly rent. A Kuwaiti firm’s substantially higher tender was rejected in favor of D.P.I.
Lutfi Shatara, head of a Yemeni group in the United Kingdom who believes the D.P.I. award contravenes Yemeni national interest, wrote in a letter to the World Bank, “With Dubai now involved in Jebel Ali, Fujirah, Djibouti and Jeddah, and about to sign a concession to take over container operations in Aden, the question must be asked, which of these ports will Dubai favor when it comes to investment and marketing to maximize their business? If Dubai’s recent announcement that they will invest in new berths at Jebel Ali to reach a throughput capacity of 55 million T.E.U. [ twenty-foot equivalent units] by 2030, while Aden is promised a capacity of 3.5 million T.E.U. by 2035, the answer seems very clear.”
While D.P.I.’s total investment in the port of Aden over 30 years is expected to be nearly $500 million, the company is permitted to sell 20 percent of its shares in the Yemeni market, raising $100 million initially from Yemeni investors to pay the rent, buy equipment, and fund operations.
Shatara indicated in his letter that he has “documents proving that the process involves corruption” and his group intends to sue the Yemeni government to stop the concession from being given to D.P.I. The award of Aden Port to its competitor may have significant negative ramifications on the future economic development of Yemen, a country struggling with epidemic poverty and unemployment. It would seem that those Yemenis responsible for the deal, including President Saleh, were acting in self-interest or were grossly incompetent. Either way, the Yemeni people have had one of their most important resources rented for thirty years with little in the way of equitable return.
Basic services in Yemen are nearly non-existent and the basic needs of the Yemeni people are unmet, including clean water, medical care and educational facilities. According to the U.N. World Food Program, almost half the people in Yemen do not have enough to eat. Half of Yemen’s children are physically stunted from malnutrition by age five, and 46 percent never begin school. The southern, formerly Marxist region in particular has endured an administrative and economic boycott as well as collective discrimination, exclusion and vilification by the regime. The population of Yemen will be greater than that of Russia by 2050.
With the official and informal administration of Yemen so completely dominated by the president and his family, these criminal activities and enterprises must be laid squarely at the feet of Ali Abdullah Saleh who warrants a reassessment by the U.S. administration, especially in the context of an increasingly vocal, activist, and unified reform movement in Yemen. Yemeni intellectuals have described the regime as “The Government of Mass Destruction” and “An Unproductive Tyrant Regime.” In power for 27 years, Saleh recently announced that he would not seek another term as president, but the continued repression of both the media and opposition parties belies this statement.
Only the Yemeni people can determine the future of Yemen. With the prospect of electoral regime change in the 2006 presidential election in Yemen, a wide variety of citizens, cutting across traditional fault lines, have joined forces to stand up for democracy and against the bloody onslaught of regime power. The unity of Yemen is demonstrated by this consensus: the people of Yemen deserve an authentic democratic state that will nurture not starve its children, and a transparent government that operates honestly and equitably in the public interest.
Yemeni civil society has been fighting for years for democracy and against extremist ideologies. Numerous Yemenis have detailed, workable, concrete solutions to the myriad of issues facing Yemen. The international community can trust in the capacity of the Yemeni people to craft a workable state out of the ruins left by Saleh. And it should look beyond the comfortable familiarity of a manageable tyranny to see that the citizens of Yemen, more than any other aggrieved party, are the primary victims of President Saleh.
Jane Novak is an American journalist and political analyst.
Copyright © 1997-2007 Worldpress.org. All Rights Reserved.
[just heard this on radio at kgo.com, Dr. Bill Wattenberg is on]
http://news.google.com/news?ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&rls=org.mozilla:en-US:official&client=firefox-a&um=1&tab=wn&q=trouble+with+Cheney%27s+plane
Cheney's Plane Had Mechanical Trouble
Wall Street Journal (subscription), NY - 10 minutes ago
WASHINGTON -- US Vice President Dick Cheney's plane experienced a minor mechanical problem but was making a refueling stop in Singapore as planned Sunday, ...
US Vice-President's plane 'in trouble'
Kalgoorlie Golden Mail, Australia - 3 hours ago
Mr Cheney's Boeing 757 was delayed temporarily at Sydney Airport on Sunday morning for an unknown reason. As it stood still, revving its engines to make its ...
US Vice-President's plane 'in trouble'
Bendigo Advertiser, Australia - 3 hours ago
Mr Cheney's Boeing 757 was delayed temporarily at Sydney Airport on Sunday morning for an unknown reason. As it stood still, revving its engines to make its ...
Cheney plane fine after 'minor problem'
Kalgoorlie Golden Mail, Australia - 8 minutes ago
... operation to protect the vice-president. Cheney's health has also been a concern in the past, with the vice-president having a history of heart trouble.
http://kalgoorlie.yourguide.com.au/detail.asp?class=international%20news&subclass=general&story_id=560373&category=General&m=&y=
Sunday, 25 February 2007
Cheney plane fine after 'minor problem'
US Vice-President Dick Cheney's plane had a small mechanical problem after leaving Sydney on Sunday but there were no safety concerns and it would make a planned refuelling stop in Singapore, the White House said.
White House spokeswoman Emily Lawrimore said there was a problem with a generator on the plane, which left Sydney's international airport about 9am Sunday, but it posed no safety issues and the aircraft was fine.
A flight from Sydney to Singapore takes about seven hours.
Cheney had been visiting Australia as part of a trip to thank Washington's Iraq war allies Japan and Australia.
He was returning to the United States on Sunday. The refuelling stop in Singapore was already scheduled, the White House said.
"Nobody is scheduled to get off the plane. Nobody is scheduled to get on the plane," said a source in Singapore, who declined to be identified.
Australian Prime Minister John Howard earlier told reporters in Sydney: "I am not aware of the full circumstances and I have not been told except that it has been diverted."
Reporters at Sydney airport said Air Force 2 had proceeded towards the runway as normal and revved its engines before the engines appeared to decelerate.
A mobile stairway was sent out to the plane but a door in the plane opened and an unidentified figure appeared in the hatchway and waved the stairway off.
The door was then closed and the plane proceeded to the runway and took off.
Cheney arrived in Sydney late on Thursday for a three-day visit to thank the government for contributing troops to Iraq and Afghanistan. He had earlier visited Japan and Guam.
Anti-war protesters who accuse him of being one of the main architects of the unpopular Iraq war scuffled briefly with police in Sydney on Thursday and Friday.
A total of 11 people were arrested but his visit was otherwise uneventful except for traffic chaos caused in Sydney by a massive security operation to protect the vice-president.
Cheney's health has also been a concern in the past, with the vice-president having a history of heart trouble.
Brought to you by REUTERS
© REUTERS 2007
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Sunday, 25 February 2007
US Vice-President's plane 'in trouble'
By Alyssa Braithwaite and Vincent Morello
The plane of US Vice-President Dick Cheney has reportedly been diverted to Singapore because of mechanical problems.
Mr Cheney flew out of Sydney en route to the United States on board Air Force 2, a Boeing 757, about 9am (AEDT) Sunday after a four-day visit marred by violent protests, arrests and traffic chaos.
Prime Minister John Howard told reporters in Sydney that he had heard reports the plane was being diverted, but had few details.
"I have had a report to that effect," Mr Howard told reporters at a NSW Liberal Party campaign event.
"I'm not aware of the full circumstances.
"I have not been told except that it has been diverted.
"As to the precise circumstances, I am not as advised."
Sky News said Air Force Two was being diverted to Singapore.
Mr Cheney's Boeing 757 was delayed temporarily at Sydney Airport on Sunday morning for an unknown reason.
As it stood still, revving its engines to make its initial advance towards the runway, it suddenly powered down.
The main door opened and the mobile stairwell then immediately returned to the plane, but it was waved off by security personnel.
The plane then proceeded to the runway and took off, en route to the United States.
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Saturday, 24 February 2007
Govt may send boat people to Indonesia
By David Crawshaw and Alyssa Braithwaite
Sri Lankan boat people rescued from the Indian Ocean may be sent back to Indonesia, in a sign of a tougher approach towards asylum seekers as the federal election nears.
The 83 Sri Lankans and two Indonesians, picked up by the HMAS Success after sabotaging their boat in international waters, were transferred to Christmas Island on Saturday to undergo health and identification checks.
While the 85 men could be taken to Australia's processing centre on Nauru, Immigration Minister Kevin Andrews said the government is considering the unprecedented step of returning them to Indonesia, if Jakarta agrees.
The men would likely be housed in Indonesian refugee camps and be told to apply to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees if they wished to seek asylum in Australia.
"We are simply asking the question of Indonesia," Mr Andrews said.
"There will be further discussion, and that will be a matter for ultimately a decision by the Indonesian government.
"Indonesia has agreements in place where the UN High Commission for Refugees processes people in the country who have made a refugee or asylum claim.
"People can apply for asylum. As to whether or not we would accept them in Australia is another matter."
Mr Andrews said he was not aware of a precedent for sending boat people back to Indonesia, the group's final departure point before setting sail for Christmas Island.
The move to seek the group's return could signal a toughening of the federal government's policy towards asylum seekers, reviving memories of the 2001 "Tampa" election campaign.
Under the Howard government's so-called Pacific solution developed that year, boat people are sent to offshore facilities such as Nauru while they have their asylum claims determined.
If the Sri Lankans are ultimately sent to Nauru, they would join eight Burmese asylum seekers on the island, following the departure of long-term Iraqi detainee Mohammad Sagar to Sweden.
Mr Andrews said Australia would not do anything that breached its international obligations or endangered the men's lives.
"Any suggestion that Australia would agree to an arrangement which would see refugees returned to a country where they face persecution is wrong," he said.
Fairfax papers reported on Saturday the government had struck a secret deal to send the asylum seekers back to Sri Lanka via Indonesia, which is not a signatory to the UN Refugee Convention.
The Refugee Council of Australia called on the government to properly consider any asylum claims from the Sri Lankans, given the severity of the civil war in their home country.
"Australia cannot, as suggested in press reports today, consider returning any asylum seekers to Indonesia and then to Sri Lanka without giving them a chance to put their case for protection," council president John Gibson said.
"The conflict between government forces, the Tamil Tigers and other factions has led to more than 500,000 Sri Lankans becoming internally displaced. Another 16,000 people have fled to India in the past year."
Democrats senator Andrew Bartlett said the boat people could include Tamils whose lives could be in danger if they were returned to Sri Lanka.
"The fact that the government could even contemplate sending asylum seekers back without proper assessment is a complete and utter disgrace," he said.
Greens leader Bob Brown said Australia would breach its responsibilities to the Geneva Convention if it sent asylum seekers back without assessing their refugee status.
Labor's immigration spokesman Tony Burke was not available for comment.
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Twenty-Eight Journalists Killed in Eight Latin American Countries in 2006
Hernán Uribe, Americas Program, International Relations Center (I.R.C.), January 28, 2007
At a press conference, Andres Izarra, director of Telesur, protests the arrest of Freddy Muñoz Altamiranda, the television station's correspondent in Bogotá, Colombia.
Twenty-eight journalists were murdered, while five others disappeared, last year in eight Latin American countries, according to an overview of 2006 prepared by the Commission to Investigate Attacks Against Journalists (Comisión Investigadora de Atentados a Periodistas, C.I.A.P.), affiliated with the Latin American Federation of Journalists ( Federación Latinoamericana de Periodistas, F.E.L.A.P.). With 10 deaths, Mexico continues to boast the dubious distinction of being the most dangerous nation for journalists to ply their trade.
The Fallen
The following is the list, by country, of fallen journalists of 2006:
ECUADOR: José Luis León, in Guayaquil, reporter at "Radio Minutera," and Saúl Suárez, reporter at La Hora Durandeña. Both were shot.
EL SALVADOR: Douglas Henández of La Prensa Gráfica.
COLOMBIA: Gustavo Rojas Gabalo, radio journalist, shot; Mariano Pérez Murga, and Francisco Bonilla Romero.
GUATEMALA: Edgardo Maas, radio correspondent, received five bullets.
GUYANA: Ronaldo Waddell, TV correspondent, shot; Richard Stewart, Chetram Pergaud, Elión Wegman, Mark Mikoo and Shazim Mohamed. The last five were shot on Aug. 8 inside the office of Kaieteur News.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: Domingo Disla Florentino, lawyer and journalist, Facundo Lavatta, of "Radio Comercial."
VENEZUELA: Jesús Flores Rojas, in the town of El Tigre; Jorge Aguirre, of Cadena Carriles, and Pedro Bastardo, killed in Cumaná.
MEXICO: José Valdés, in Sabinas (Coahuila); Jaime Olvera Bravo, in La Piedad (Michoacán); Ramiro Téllez Contreras, in Nuevo Laredo (Tamaulipas); Enrique Perea Quintanilla; Rosendo Pardo Ozuna, in Tuxtla Gutiérrez; Misael Tamayo Hernández, in Zihuatanejo (Guerrero); José Manuel Nava, ex-director of the daily paper Excélsior, in Mexico City; Roberto Marcos García, correspondent of Alarma in Veracruz; Alfonso Sánchez Guzmán; and Bradley Hill, American, in Santa Lucía del Camino (Oaxaca).
Although figures on journalists victimized by violence vary, the most credible numbers appear to be those provided by the World Association of Newspapers, which says that 105 journalists were killed worldwide last year. Forty-eight of these deaths occurred in Iraq, a country racked by a bloody war resulting from the United States' illegal armed occupation.
In late December, the United Nations Security Council unanimously approved a resolution that "condemns all attacks against journalists in situations of conflict, and calls upon warring factions to respect communicators and their role." In so doing, however, the United Nations merely recalled that the Geneva Conventions on war classify journalists as civilians whose lives must be respected. In point of fact, journalists' lives are not being respected, as evidenced by the frequent murders of journalists in Iraq at the hands of rogue United States soldiers.
Moreover, the United Nations resolution is completely oblivious to the situation in Latin America. In this region—with or without military conflicts—journalists are gunned down by drug-traffickers and by various mafias—invariably for having witnessed crimes. Journalists were killed during the civil-military dictatorships that gained strength in the 1970's. However, this situation has continued up to this day, despite the return to civilian rule. In August, the Organization of American States' Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression reported that in the last 10 years 83 journalists have been killed in Colombia and 24 in each of Brazil and Mexico. The O.A.S. said that journalists have also been killed in Guatemala, Ecuador, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, among other countries.
In November, the widespread insecurity faced by journalists was referred to by CIAP director José Dos Santos, during the Fifth World Meeting of War Correspondents in Havana: "In Latin America journalists are killed, without internal wars or foreign military invasion, other than the low-intensity armed conflict that has rocked Colombia for a half century." Dos Santos also underscored that since 1976 some 800 journalists have been slain in the region.
Justice Delayed
Another proverbial characteristic of the crimes committed against journalists is the pervasive impunity. According to a study by the United States-based Committee to Protect Journalists, between 1992 and 2006, 580 journalists were killed; in 85 percent of the cases, no one was held accountable. Latin American history is littered with such impunity.
However, one important exception has emerged. In Chile, at the very end of 2006, 20 years after José Carrasco Tapia was assassinated, the perpetrators of his murder received sentences of 13 years in prison and other penalties. All of the perpetrators were members of dictator Augusto Pinochet's military police, known as the DINA. Carrasco Tapia, the head of the College of Journalists and the international editor of Análisis magazine, was brutally murdered with 13 gunshots on Sept. 8, 1986. The 14 defendants had killed three other people—none of whom were journalists—in a gangland-style revenge for a failed attempt on the tyrant's life the day before Carrasco Tapia's murder. In addition, the government was ordered to pay 2.125 million pesos ($3,921) to the victims' widows, children, and other survivors.
Moreover, 2006 was also notable for various types of attacks intended to limit freedom of expression and intimidate journalists. The most recent of these was the arrest in Bogotá of Freddy Muñoz Altamiranda, correspondent for Telesur, a television channel with a presence in several countries. Following his Nov. 20 arrest, Muñoz was charged with "insurrection and terrorism." Muñoz as well as Telesur and F.E.L.A.P. called the police action a violation of freedom of speech and an attempt to intimidate the independent journalism practiced by Telesur. [Muñoz was released from jail on Jan. 9.]
From the International Relations Center (I.R.C.).
Translated for the IRC Americas Program by Alan Hynds.
Chilean journalist Hernán Uribe is president of F.E.L.A.P.'s Commission to Investigate Attacks against Journalists (C.I.A.P.).
Copyright © 1997-2007 Worldpress.org.
http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/2645.cfm
eru
The Camisea Cover-Up
Kelly Hearn, NACLA, January 25, 2007
Workers install a pipe in Paracas, Peru, 190 miles south of Lima. The pipeline, maintained by Transportadora de Gas del Perú (TGP), suffered its the fifth breakage in 14 months of operation on March 4, 2006. (Photo: Alejandra Brun / AFP-Getty Images)
The boat ride into Camisea starts at a low-slung provisions town called Ivochote in the rainforests of southeastern Peru. It is the last place to use a phone, sleep in a decent bed and buy supplies. Open-air cargo boats muscle against the Urubamba River's rain-swollen current. Machiguenga families with pigs, onions, rice and beer wait for ferries that will take them adentro, deep into one of the world's most isolated and ecologically rich rainforests.
Many locals talk about la empresa, shorthand for the $1.6 billion Camisea Gas Project. Backed by a Dallas firm hoping to get Peru's natural gas to U.S. markets by 2010, the Camisea project includes gas wells deep in the jungle, a distribution system in Lima and Callao and two pipelines-one carrying gas and the other natural gas liquids. The project is run by Transportadora de Gas del Perú (TGP), an incestuous consortium partly owned by Techint, the same Argentine company TGP hired to build the pipeline and the same company that made the pipes used in the project.
The project is an engineering feat by any measure. The two pipelines traverse 340 miles of some of the world's toughest jungle terrain, top nearly 16,000-foot Andean peaks and snake down to the Peruvian coast. The natural-gas pipeline turns north to supply Lima's market, while the liquids pipeline turns south to Callao, where it will feed a new $2.4 billion facility that will process the liquids before shipment.
Peru LNG — another consortium, headed by the Texas company Hunt Oil (holding a 50 percent stake) and including SK Corporation, from South Korea, and the Spanish Repsol YPF — built the facility. This "export phase" of the project, known as Camisea II, will bring Peru's gas to international markets.
Hunt Oil, led by Ray Hunt, a Halliburton board member and major Republican Party donor, has requested a $400 million loan from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), along with the bank's help in raising an additional $400 million more in private investment. But serious questions about the pipeline phase of the project may be putting Camisea II at risk. Last October the IDB said it would wait for a technical audit of the pipeline before deciding on the new loans. The bank's decision is expected in mid-2007.
As Camisea neared completion in August 2004, its backers spoke glowingly of the project. The IDB had already thrown its support behind the project in the form of a $75 million direct loan and a syndicated loan of $60 million. Bank officials promised to keep Camisea's environmental and social impacts to a minimum, but critics have long said the bank has failed to fulfill that commitment.
On Dec. 22, 2004, fewer than four months after Camisea went on line, a 14-inch section of the pipe ruptured, dumping about 48,343 gallons of natural gas liquids. Eight months later, in August 2005, another rupture occurred but without a substantial spill. Two more breaks occurred the following September and November.
Then, in March 2006, near Echarati, a village in the department of Cuzco, the liquids pipeline broke again, spilling enough gas onto the rainforest floor to fill the tanks of 30,000 cars, and leading to an explosion that severely burned a mother and her child. By then, international environmentalists, Urubamba communities and politicians, development experts and journalists wanted to know why a brand-new billion-dollar pipeline had ruptured so often in such a short a time.
Just days before the explosion, far from Peru's mahogany rainforests, Bill Powers, a California engineer, had addressed a meeting at IDB headquarters in Washington, presenting a detailed engineering report on Camisea. Powers and his team at E-Tech, a California-based nonprofit engineering company, had written the report relying heavily on information provided by Carlos Salazar, a Peruvian welding inspector turned whistleblower who had worked on Camisea and said he saw evidence of Techint's negligence.
The report dropped like a bombshell: Techint had rushed the job, the report said, in order to avoid a $90 million contractual late fee; 40 percent of the pipes used were leftovers from other projects; welders lacked certification; and pipes were corroding after having been left exposed during the rainy season.
While activist groups, such as Amazon Alliance and Amazon Watch, publicized the E-Tech story, Techint denied everything, at one point producing receipts it said proved its pipes were new. The company also threatened Powers with a lawsuit, and Salazar received threats back in Peru. But Techint's lawsuit dissolved when the March 2006 break occurred at a precise spot E-Tech had told the IDB was vulnerable. "They were ready to come after us, but the break came and showed we were right," Powers said.
In late October, powers introduced me to "Andrés," an engineer who agreed to talk on condition of anonymity, saying he did not want to endanger his family. Andrés worked on Camisea as an inspector. He provided me with his ID issued by Peru's College of Engineers and offered technically detailed accounts of problems along the high-pressure pipeline. He also provided a copy of an inspection report issued by Gulf Interstate Engineering, the Houston-based quality-control company hired by TGP to oversee Techint's work. The report, written when construction was in its final stages, noted that one of Techint's welding teams was unfit, contradicting the company's public insistence that all welders had been thoroughly qualified.
Andrés emphasized that Techint had been unprepared for the jungle terrain, since it had failed to carry out a geotechnical study of the pipeline route. He said the company used a route proposed by Shell Oil when it was contending for rights to Camisea. "TGP took Shell's plan and modified it without even inspecting the route from the ground. They only flew over in a helicopter," he said.
Héctor Gallegos, president of the Peruvian College of Engineering, agreed that Techint had failed to gather geotechnical data. "In engineering there is a basic probability equation for the design and construction of a work, which is 'Danger times vulnerability equals risk,' " Gallegos said. "In this case, the danger — the geology and soil — was not known, so it was impossible for them to fix the vulnerability."
E-Tech's report was full of claims, backed by field inspectors contracted by Techint, that the job was sloppy and rushed. The inspectors reported irregular practices at pipeline job sites and provided Powers with a "pipe book," or daily log of construction activities, in which "every piece of pipe, every weld, every welder, and every X-ray of every weld is methodically recorded," Powers said. The pipe book, which pertained to a three-mile section in the mountains, confirmed what Powers had suspected: that "Techint played it fast and loose with required procedures, especially in the homestretch."
"In one case," Powers explained, "Techint didn't bother to study the terrain before choosing a path for the pipeline, only to discover a deep gulch filled with loose soil as the company prepared to lower the now-welded pipeline into the ground." Powers said Techint improvised by hurriedly cutting pipe and mixing and matching 40-foot sections, which were custom-bent to fit the original trench route. "In the process, critical information — who welded what, welds needing repair and the location of the welds needing repair — was lost. TGP was facing major fines for every day of delay beyond the mid-August 2004 completion deadline, and the problem was buried," Powers said.
Techint denied that it had rushed the pipeline job and that it had used faulty materials. The company said the breaks were caused by landslides, which are frequent during the Urubamba River valley's tumultuous rainy season. Robert Montgomery, an IDB representative whom I interviewed in spring 2006, agreed with Techint's explanation.
(Andrés also told me he saw an unpublished transcript of a closed-door Peruvian congressional hearing in which a Hunt Oil representative admitted that Techint had failed to conduct key studies. I contacted Hunt Oil about that claim but did not hear back by press time.)
Back in Peru, the March 2006 explosion, together with the E-Tech report, intensified public attention on the Camisea project. Soon after the explosion, the Peruvian government announced it would investigate. A Peruvian newspaper, La República, reported that Peruvian Prime Minister Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, who had adamantly defended Camisea and suggested the fifth break was sabotage, had once worked both as an IDB consultant and as financial assessor to Ray Hunt.
The IDB, for its part, fell under criticism for not properly supervising the project and for moving to conduct a long-delayed technical and environmental audit only after the fifth break. Meanwhile, as Peru approached a presidential runoff election, leftist candidate Ollanta Humala pledged to root out Camisea's problems and renegotiate contracts (he lost to former Peruvian President Alan García, who fully backs the project).
By the summer, Carlos Armas Vela, a Peruvian lawmaker, was spearheading a congressional investigation. He and fellow lawmakers complained that the proposed audit was too limited; that it was controlled by the same bureaucrats at Peru's Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) who had failed to manage the project in the first place; and that the audit should be a job for the incoming government. Peru's College of Engineers, which had a representative on the selection committee, resigned in protest. Around that time, Fernando Trigos, an engineer and one of Armas' political aides, told me the congressional committee wanted a thorough audit of the pipeline. "They want transparency from start to finish," he said.
The transparent technical audit upon which so much was riding would be performed by a company selected by the government. But which government agency would select it? Camisea critics I spoke to said the obvious choice would have been the Energy Investment Supervisory Organization (or OSINERG, its Spanish acronym), a semi-independent state regulatory agency that had charged Techint several times for various violations. But the task was given to the MEM, which has overseen the spill-prone project from the start.
MEM officials convened a selection committee, generated what critics say were ridiculously limited audit specifications and opened bidding to 11 companies in early summer 2006. This first round of bidding was canceled because the MEM received only one bid, from the Mexican subsidiary of the German company Germanischer Lloyd (GL). The same company, GL-Mexico, won the bidding several weeks later, beating out three other companies.
Not long after the first round was canceled, I went to a Buenos Aires café to interview a Texas engineer who knows Camisea well. With 30 years' experience in jungle pipeline inspections, he had represented one of the 11 companies that tried to win the first inspection contract. He asked for anonymity, fearing professional reprisal, but provided me with the materials issued by the MEM's solicitation committee. He pointed out evidence he says shows the ministry tried to steer the audit to friendly companies. "The fix," he said, "was definitely in on this one."
The documents show Peruvian officials gave foreign companies only 19 business days to translate the 101-page bid specifications, write a proposal and translate it into Spanish for submission. On June 12, the MEM sent the companies formal invitations to visit Camisea on June 20, leaving engineers only eight days to get vaccines and make arrangements. At the last minute, the Texas engineer says, he and another representative of a U.S. company were denied travel permission because their yellow fever vaccines were less than 10 days old. Peruvian officials also gave companies only one day to examine data culled from the June 20 inspection, formulate questions and have them translated. "For foreign companies that was impossible," the Texan said.
What's more, the MEM commission only gave itself three days to evaluate the detailed proposals from the 11 companies, with each proposal more than 100 pages long. "In cases as complex as Camisea, the industry standard is two or three weeks," said the Texan, who suspects Peruvian officials gave themselves only three days because they figured the impossible deadlines would knock out most companies.
Another oddity in the bid was a "point system" based on experience and technical merit, which the MEM commission designed to rank potential companies. But in four of the 11 categories, officials required only that companies had worked on jungle construction projects-there was no requirement that the auditor have any specific experience with pipelines. "And why were no Brazilian companies asked to bid, since they have the most experience building jungle pipelines?" the Texan asked.
Only GL-Mexico managed to get its materials in on time. Any questions about how the company managed to do so only deepened in October when the company won the contract with a basement-level bid of $1.9 million. Though it is normal for officials to choose the lowest bid, GL-Mexico's puny offering astounded Camisea watchers. The next lowest bid was nearly $6 million. The Texan told me his team had budgeted 30,000 labor-hours alone to conduct the audit, and expressed serious doubts any company could do the job for $1.9 million. "I have talked to others involved in the bid, and we agree that the job cannot be done for that amount," he said.
The Texas engineer also said he wouldn't be surprised if Techint paid GL-Mexico to bid low, get the job and gloss over any problems. "If Techint gave them $10 million," he said, "it would still be cheap compared to what it would cost if all their dirty laundry is aired. They have already spent more than that on remedial work." There is another theory — that Techint may have promised GL-Mexico work on Techint construction projects under way in Mexico (two new liquid natural gas receiving terminals, for example, together worth $1.2 billion, which Techint has been hired to build).
GL-Mexico said in October it had no business dealings with Techint — an official prerequisite for winning the contract. However, I contacted Olaf Mager, a spokesperson at Germanischer Lloyd's global headquarters in Germany, who said the company "had been working for a subcontractor [of Techint] in the area of verification and certification of various installations." He added that, due to confidentiality agreements, he could say no more. "Something is up," said Héctor Gallegos of the College of Engineers about GL-Mexico. On October 10, his group published an open letter asking the MEM to suspend the audit.
It is unclear what weight the audit will have on the IDB's looming $400 million loan decision. The bank could be putting the decision off because it is looking into irregularities in the auditor selection process. Indeed, the Texas engineer showed me an e-mail in which an IDB investigator was told about the selection committee's impossible deadlines.
The IDB said in October it would await the Peruvian government's technical audit of the pipeline before making a decision on the new loan, a decision the banks says it expects to make in mid-2007. Meanwhile, the IDB is conducting its own audit. But in September a dozen environmental groups, including U.S.-based Amazon Watch, sent a joint letter to IDB President Luis Alberto Moreno saying the process needs transparency. The group complained that the bank's audit is being carried out by the IDB's Private Sector Department — the same unit that the activists say has failed to oversee the project. Angry that the bank is already proceeding with due diligence on the Camisea II loan, they want independent groups like the Netherlands Commission for Environmental Impact Assessment brought into the mix.
Perhaps the most troubling problem is revealed in one of the MEM's solicitation documents from its bidding process. It shows that Techint knew, or should have known, of the gas pipe's vulnerabilities before it began rupturing. An annex to one of the documents lists seven failures during hydrostatic pressure tests, which are standard procedure on all sections of a pipeline before it is put in operation. All five widely reported ruptures, including the one that caused an explosion that maimed the two villagers, occurred in the first 130 miles of the liquids pipeline — the same section of pipe where the seven test failures took place, according to the solicitation documents.
Other concerns center on the thickness of the pipe Techint used, which some engineers say was too thin for the steep, unstable jungle terrain where soil movements can place tremendous pressure on the pipe wall. "I talk to inspection company people, who see a lot of pipelines, and they can't believe that 0.219 pipe [one-fifth of an inch] was used in this location," said my Texas source. Not surprisingly, he notes that Techint's pipe-making company produces pipes of that size.
Also noteworthy is that bid documents do not mention special internal pipe-integrity tests conducted on the pipelines by Tuboscope, a global testing company hired by Techint in summer 2006. That oversight feeds other concerns. The March 2006 break was in relatively flat terrain, not a place where shifting soil would have likely caused problems. That has led some to wonder if Techint is running the pressure too high.
"Abrupt changes in elevation mean big differences in internal pressure inside a liquids pipeline," said Powers. "Were the pressures Techint subjected the pipelines to during the pre-commissioning phase high enough to reveal all the weaknesses, which is the fundamental point of doing these tests, or are the pressures being reached now with a 'roll of the dice' in uncharted and untested pressure territory?"
The MEM did not respond to interview requests. A Hunt Oil representative told me to talk to TGP, as did Techint's headquarters in Buenos Aires. I finally spoke to Eva Izquierdo, the assistant to TGP President Ricardo Markous in Lima. At her request, I submitted a list of questions. I asked TGP how much of the pipe was manufactured by companies controlled by Techint and how much engineers' decisions to use certain grades and weight of pipe were influenced by generating profits for the Techint pipe mill. I asked if TGP had a geotechnical analysis of the pipeline route that was produced before construction started in 2002. I asked the company about the five breaks, and if there would have been fewer if they had used different materials and better quality control or engineering methods. I also asked whether the company would change any part of the design or do anything differently if it could.
Two weeks later, after several e-mails, phone calls and promises that I would get my questions answered, Izquierdo politely e-mailed me saying her boss had read the questions and that all my answers could be found on the company Web site.
What do Camisea's critics want? Is it to end gas extraction, to pull modernity out of the remote rainforests altogether? The people I talked to, those who had risked much to come forward, said they simply want responsible engineering, transparency and oversight. Powers is a tireless, witty engineer with a degree from Duke University and a master's degree in environmental science. Over nine months of contact with him, I watched him become the de facto face of the Camisea opposition. He says he wants to bring professional engineering practices to ecologically and socially sensitive rainforests, where extraction operations are ruled by good-old-boy ways, unchecked by weak and corruptible governments. The same goes for Andrés, who told me, "The time has come to tell the truth about Camisea." In October, as this story went to press, I sent an e-mail to Carlos Salazar, the whistle-blower who arguably put most on the line to raise the curtain on Camisea. He told me the threats had stopped now. He said he has no regrets.
Kelly Hearn is a Buenos Aires-based correspondent to The Washington Times and The Christian Science Monitor and a frequent contributor to National Geographic News. This article first appeared on news.nacla.org.
Copyright © 1997-2007 Worldpress.org. All Rights Reserved.
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Laos: Still a Secret War
Roger Arnold, January 19, 2007
Song Tua Ya carries his AK-47 and young son while maintaining village security. (Photo: Roger Arnold / WorldPictureNetwork)
My satellite phone rang. It was my contact from the "Blackbird" network. He was in Thailand or the United States; I was not sure which. He said, "You find them? They find you? No? Keep going!" I continued to hike into the jungle alone, searching, lost for hours.
Suddenly they appeared like ghosts from the forest and snatched me from my exposed position, pulling me up into the jungle. When we stopped, I realized all six of them were afraid of me but also excited. They were soldiers, dressed in battered army uniforms and carrying antique AK-47's. They had never met anyone from the world outside the jungle — let alone a white American. For them, I was an alien from another world, an aberration of an ally from the past. They stared at me in awe, my skin, my clothes; it was all foreign to them. Then the men innocently looked at everything I had, trying to discover what simple items like a paper clip were. Their favorite item was the blower brush for my camera, and they took turns blowing it at one another laughing.
I was in the company of the Lao government's most wanted men — the Hmong rebel resistance.
I found them through the Fact Finding Commission (www.factfinding.org), a humanitarian group in California. A few years ago the Fact Finding Commission distributed satellite phones to the Hmong hiding in the jungle to document their treatment by the Lao government. They used a loose network of individuals called the "Blackbirds," who do what they can to help the people hiding in isolation.
The ragtag Hmong guerrillas are one of many small groups estimated to number between 2,000 and 12,000 still hiding in the mountains of Laos. For the last 30 years, their only contact with the outside world is said to be with the Lao and Vietnamese communist soldiers who are hunting them and their families. The Hmong jungle people are the remnants of a "secret war," a counterinsurgency sponsored by the C.I.A. during the Vietnam War. Both the Americans and the communists kept this war secret, even though it became one of the most intensive bombing campaigns in world history.
My satellite phone rang again; it was the Blackbird, "They find you? Good! You follow. You follow them all night. Don't stop. You go all night. Be careful. I pray for you. You no stop three to four days. Be careful! Don't stop! Keep going!"
Night fell and I struggled to follow the men for hours into an area no outsider had seen since the C.I.A. left in 1975. There were no people, no villages, just darkness and Lao military patrols hunting us. In the dense jungle, I struggled on hands and feet up 65-degree mountainsides, falling constantly, my heart bursting, lungs spent, with soldiers pushing me up from behind and pulling from the front. I was a huge liability, and it made them edgy. Government soldiers were patrolling the area and I had taken away the rebels' greatest defense — their ability to appear and disappear like panthers.
I did my best to follow, but the Hmong do not use old trails or zigzag up a mountain. They go rapidly — straight up — always cutting new trail though jungle so thick it would trap a rat in its web. The six men guiding me were young, aged 15 to 25, all short, not more than five feet tall, lean and ripped with muscles. I marveled at their skill to walk up a technical climb, with their rifles, 30-pound packs, slicing trail with machetes, never breaking a sweat. They could go for days without stopping. Everything I had heard about them was true. They were completely adapted to the jungle.
Bill Lair, C.I.A. veteran, counterinsurgency expert, and recognized founder of the C.I.A.'s Secret Army, said to me about the Hmong, "They were probably the best guerrilla fighters anywhere in the world. They moved so quick over those rugged mountains, you'd swear a helicopter moved them around."
We stopped to eat. One soldier unloaded his United States military issue backpack held together by a quilt of scavenged fabrics. He pulled out an assortment of pots and pans fabricated from American and communist bombs. A few minutes later I was eating a boiled wild yam from those same bombs and some meat. Another soldier flashed a light into my bowl and I saw an animal paw. I looked up to see the guerrilla smiling, jumping up and down, acting like a monkey — imitating what I was eating.
By the third day I was suffering from exhaustion, covered in mosquitoes and leaches. My legs did not respond, and my feet were bloody, swollen, and beginning to rot from moisture.
After 72 hours of climbing we reached their hidden village, where I found the saddest place I had ever seen.
Before me on hands and knees were hundreds of men, women, and children crying and screaming for me to save them from communist soldiers. Their leader approached me and said in Hmong, "Welcome, I am Blia Shoua Her. These are my people. Thank you for coming."
I was speechless and unable to cope with the multitude of sorrow. Each of them wanted to tell their story and knelt at my feet with bowls of forest leaves as gifts, which was all they had to offer. Young men missing legs hobbled by on bamboo crutches. Children with bloated stomachs and no clothing screamed for food that did not exist. Most of them, including the women and children, had bullet or shrapnel wounds, and all of them — terrified — were hunted like animals.
Blia Shoua Her led me through his muddy makeshift mountain camp to a small bamboo hut with no walls, built for me. He assigned several soldiers to provide 24-hour security during my two weeks in the jungle. Blia Shoua then advised me to keep all of my belongings packed and to be ready to run at a moments notice. This is the way his people in the jungle have lived for more than 30 years — bags packed, ready to go. He explained the entire village was impermanent since they have to flee so often from mountain to mountain. The Lao army surrounds the group, rendering them unable to farm or raise livestock, forcing them to forage in the jungle for anything edible.
I came to visit Blia Shoua Her and his group because, they claim, Lao and Vietnamese government soldiers ambushed them on April 6, 2006, while searching for food in the forest. The massacre resulted in 26 killed and 5 wounded. Only one adult male was killed, the other victims were 8 women and 17 children. In the days that followed, 5 infants died because their dead mothers could not breast-feed them. This is only one small incident out of thousands reported and documented since 1975. The Lao government generally denies the jungle people exist or that any of this is happening.
I photographed the massacre scene and brought back witness statements with video, but when I called the spokesman for the Lao Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Yong Chanthalangsy, he dismissed me outright. He said an investigation had been completed, there was no attack, and my information was fabricated. He refused to supply a written report, and did not deny the fact that no one from the Lao government had visited the crime scene or interviewed any of the 500 jungle people who claimed to witness the killings.
Before I left the jungle, Blia Shoua Her, told me his people wanted peace, freedom so they could farm in one place without constantly running. He said his group was not part of a Hmong rebel resistance, just civilians who defended themselves when attacked by their own government. They hope the Lao government would allow them to surrender to the United Nations, a plan the Lao government spokesman also ruled out.
***
On Oct. 10, 2006, 438 people from Blia Shoua Her's group came out of the jungle and surrendered to Lao authorities after reports of more Lao military pressure. Their conditions and whereabouts are unknown, and outsiders including the United Nations have been denied access to them. On Nov. 17, many jungle refugees who had fled Laos, including Blia Shoua Her and his family were arrested hiding in Bangkok. They currently face deportation to Laos, which could mean torture or death. They have been identified as "Persons of concern" by the United Nations, but the Thai are ignoring their status and threatening to deport. These events are a blow to the refugees and those still in the mountains of Laos seeking asylum.
The Hmong are probably the only guerrilla army in history to have enjoyed air superiority, led by American airpower and an assortment of nations. Although the Hmong are well adapted to running and hiding in the jungle, in recent years many experts have begun to wonder why the Lao government has not mounted a full campaign to completely wipe them out. Some speculate the Lao military is just using them for live fire exercises. Others think the Lao government hopes they will just surrender, or flee the country, avoiding further attacks by its military.
Roger Arnold is a photojournalist who regularly contributes features to World Picture News.
Copyright © 1997-2007 Worldpress.org. All Rights Reserved.
[A friend, who was in Laos, when we were not there, during the Viet Nam war, told me of having been there for days, then he came to a village, that had prepared a feast, of monkey.
It was the only time in his life, that he refused to eat food, he said that he could not, after he saw the dressed monkeys, ready for cooking, thrown on top of a hut.
Larry said:
They looked just like human babies prepared for cooking...........
granny]
http://www.worldpress.org/link.cfm?http://www.arabnews.com/?page=4§ion=0&article=92650&d=24&m=2&y=2007
Clashes Erupt Again in Bahrain
Mazen Mahdi, Arab News
Bahraini anti-riot police and protesters clash in the village of Sitra, south of Manama, late Thursday. (EPA)
SITRA, Bahrain, 24 February 2007 — Several Shiite villages in Bahrain witnessed heavy clashes between protesters and anti-riot police on Thursday night, which led to the arrest of at least 10 people. The villagers were protesting the detention of a resident accused of subversive activities to destabilize the state.
The most serious of clashes took place in Sitra, south of the capital Manama, where more than 100 protesters blocked village roads and set refuse on fire. Protesters also set a car on fire and exploded two gas cylinders during the clashes that lasted well into early this morning.
Anti-riot police fired tear gas and rubber bullets during the three-hour struggle for control of the main village street, as protesters hurled stones and empty bottles toward them.
The clashes left at least two protesters slightly injured as a result of tear gas inhalation, while a policeman suffered minor injuries after being hit with a stone.
The clashes also damaged two cars and the front of a local restaurant.
The villages of Sanabis and Daih, west of Manama, also witnessed clashes with protesters there hurling Molotov cocktails at police who tried to disperse them after they blocked roads with burning refuse.
The Ministry of Interior said that several youth aged between 15 and 23 were also arrested near the village of Karbab on the outskirts of the capital after they set tires ablaze in the main street.
The new wave of clashes began in the village of Abu Saiba, west of Manama, last Saturday after police arrested villager Radhi Ali Radhi following a morning raid on his home.
The detention of Radhi, who is in his early 20s, caused relatives and friends to organize a protest the same day in front of the village entrance to demand his release, which later led to clashes with police.
Radhi and a second defendant were detained for what police said their role in Feb. 15 riots where police came under Molotov cocktail attacks.
The Ministry of Interior said that confessions obtained following the recent arrests had uncovered a clandestine operation to destabilize the country’s security.
According to the statement, 35 youths between the ages of 20 and 25 trained to use Molotov cocktails at a farm in the village of Bani Jamrah, west of Manama, a claim that had been denied by villagers and the Shiite opposition in the legislature.
Bahraini officials have insisted that the arrests have not targeted any particular group and that they are based on violations of Bahraini law. The latest wave of clashes come after those between protesters and police broke out earlier in the month following the arrest of Haq Movement Secretary-General Hassan Mushaima and Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR) President Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja. The two along with a third activist were released after the public prosecution slapped five charges against the two including endangering state security, which carries a maximum sentence of ten years if convicted.
Their arrests came after they made statements critical of the authorities during the Shiite observation of Muharram. The authorities alleged their statements amounted to inciting people to overthrow the government.
Mushaima, 58, and Al-Khawaja, 46, who had been detained in the past for lengthy periods because of their political activities, have denied the charges.
http://www.arabnews.com/?page=4§ion=0&article=92664&d=24&m=2&y=2007&pix=world.jpg&category=World
Saturday, 24, February, 2007 (06, Safar, 1428)
Muslim States to Mull Joint Strategy on Middle East
Agencies —
ISLAMABAD, 24 February 2007 — The foreign ministers of seven Muslim countries will meet here this weekend to discuss a joint strategy to end the worsening turmoil in the Middle East, officials said yesterday.
The conference tomorrow will focus on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the ongoing strife in Iraq and tensions between the United States and Iran over Tehran’s nuclear program, Foreign Ministry officials said. The ministers from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, Malaysia, Egypt and Indonesia will prepare the ground for a summit of their leaders to be hosted in Saudi Arabia by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah at a later date.
The secretary-general of the Organization of the Islamic Conference is also due to attend.
“The foreign ministers are meeting to prepare for a summit that King Abdullah will hold,” Foreign Office spokeswoman Tasnim Aslam told AFP. “The meeting here will consider the Palestinian crisis, the situation in Iraq and the Iran-US tensions,” Tasnim said.
The ministers are expected to arrive in Islamabad later today for the conference, which will be opened by Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz. They will call on President Pervez Musharraf, who has frequently warned that the turmoil in the Middle East could spread outside the region. Last month Musharraf paid hectic visits to all the countries involved in tomorrow’s meeting, as well as to Iran, Syria and the United Arab Emirates, as part of a plan to find a solution to the Mideast violence. Iran, Syria and the Palestinian Authority will not be attending the conference in Islamabad, but officials said they would be kept fully informed of the outcome of the deliberations.
“Iran has its own specific position on the Israeli-Palestinian row,” said a government official on condition of anonymity. The official said Musharraf’s initiative “has been prompted by a situation which is developing very seriously in the region and if not tackled will throw the whole region into utter turmoil.” The conference is also part of an attempt to convey a message to world powers that this region could not afford another conflict against the backdrop of growing US-Iran tensions, the official added.
Senior Pakistani officials privately say they see the appointment of a naval officer as the commander of the US Armed Forces in the region as an indication of growing tilt toward a possible strike on Iran.
Copyright: Arab News © 2003 All rights reserved.
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Saturday, 24, February, 2007 (06, Safar, 1428)
Pakistan Tests N-Capable Missile
Azhar Masood & Agencies —
ISLAMABAD, 24 February 2007 — Pakistan yesterday test fired its longest-range nuclear-capable ballistic missile, two days after signing a deal with India to cut the risk of atomic weapons accidents, the military said.
The Shaheen II, or Hatf VI, missile with a range of 2,000 kilometers (1,240 miles) was launched from an undisclosed location, military spokesman Maj. Gen. Shaukat Sultan said.
“The test was very successful. It was carried out to validate technical parameters and it hit the target with 100 percent accuracy,” said Sultan, who will quit Inter-Services Public Relations on March 1 to command an infantry division. “It is a two-stage solid-fuel-based missile capable of carrying all types of warhead including nuclear,” he said.
Pakistan had informed “neighboring countries” in advance about the missile test, Foreign Office spokeswoman Tasnim Aslam said.
“We conduct these tests from time to time according to our requirement and defense needs. It was not meant to convey any message to anyone. It was not any country-specific,” she said.
President Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz congratulated the missile’s technical team “on its outstanding success,” a military statement said.
“The missile test was part of (a) continuous process of validation and technical improvement, which Pakistan follows to consolidate and verify its various land-based strategic missile systems,” the statement said.
Yesterday’s missile launch was watched by Pakistan’s Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff General Ehsanul Haq, who said the test was “an important milestone in Pakistan’s quest for sustaining strategic balance in the South Asian region.”
NWFP Law Minister Resigns
The law minister of the North West Frontier Province who had authored the controversial Taleban-style Hasba Bill resigned yesterday. The bill was twice approved by the NWFP assembly but rejected by the federal government. The Supreme Court barred the provincial government from making it a law. The minister, Malik Zafar Azam, belongs to Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam.
Copyright: Arab News © 2003 All rights reserved.
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