Posted on 01/29/2003 9:51:46 PM PST by Timesink
January 30, 2003
By MARC CHAMPION
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
LONDON -- In a broad statement supporting the U.S. in its effort to strip Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, eight European leaders signed an op-ed article publicly calling for unity with the U.S. position, further shifting the global political calculus toward support for war.
The article, published in Thursday's Wall Street Journal, was signed by the leaders of Spain, Britain, Italy, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Denmark and Portugal. It comes in the wake of public rebukes delivered by France and Germany that had given hope to the antiwar movement throughout Europe. And it comes after a string of developments in the last few days that have combined to smooth a path toward war.
Just as President Bush was coming under enormous pressure to turn back or at least hold off for months, chief United Nations weapons inspector Hans Blix delivered a surprisingly tough report on Iraqi cooperation. Then Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly softened his position against war. A tough speech by Secretary of State Colin Powell to European economic and political leaders, followed by Mr. Bush's State of the Union address, laid out a U.S. rationale that had been seen as missing. Now the leaders' statement threatens to isolate the Germans and French, both within Europe and the U.N. Security Council.
"Our governments have a common responsibility to face this threat," says the article, which was written for the Journal's editorial pages and appears in several other newspapers in Europe. "Failure to do so would be nothing less than negligent to our own citizens and to the wider world."
It adds that if Iraq isn't disarmed, "The Security Council will lose its credibility and world peace will suffer as a result. We are confident that the Security Council will face up to its responsibilities."
The statement highlights the deep rift among America's allies in Europe, at a time when the continent is struggling for unity as it expands the European Union. The letter particularly takes aim by implication at France, which holds one of five potential vetoes on the Security Council, and which made a renewed common cause with Germany last week by proclaiming its opposition to speedy war.
The article's signatories also mirror the distinction that U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld made in his dismissal of France and Germany last week as "old Europe." Mr. Rumsfeld contrasted these "problem" countries with a "new Europe" that includes U.S. allies among former Soviet bloc countries. Mr. Rumsfeld's characterization drew sharp criticism from France and Germany.
A spokesman for British Prime Minister Tony Blair said that France and Germany weren't asked to sign the op-ed piece. The spokesman declined to comment on why, but the French and German positions clearly are too far apart from the others to be included. When reached Wednesday night, spokesmen for French President Jacques Chirac and the German foreign ministry said they didn't have time to obtain comment.
While the article doesn't outline new positions for the signers, it sets down a public marker on behalf of the U.S. in an increasingly heated debate over its use of power. It may change the dynamic going into meetings Mr. Bush will have in the next two days with both Mr. Blair and Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy. Mr. Blair, in particular, is seen as entering those sessions under pressure to back away from support of the U.S.
Now it will be harder for Germany, which takes over chairmanship of the Security Council next month, and France to say that they are speaking for Europe as the showdown with Iraq hits its crucial phase. Italy also announced Wednesday that it will make its military bases available to the U.S. for refueling and other "technical" purposes.
The White House first learned of the plan for the letter from a Spanish official last Friday. A senior U.S. official said that on Saturday, Mr. Berlusconi then mentioned the letter directly to President Bush when they spoke. "We were in receive mode. We were listening," the official said.
The U.S. kept mum about the plan, and a senior U.S. official said the Bush administration had no role in crafting or coaching the letter. But Bush aides were ecstatic at the development. "It's gratifying to have Europeans standing up for a principle," the official said.
An aide to Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar said his office, as well as those of the British and Italian prime ministers, were contacted early last week by the editorial page of The Wall Street Journal with the request to contribute an article. The idea, the aide said, was for the leaders to explain their point of view on Iraq to world opinion, and to "clarify differences" with France and Germany.
The aide said that Mr. Aznar immediately contacted Mr. Blair, a close political ally. Mr. Aznar's office drew up an outline, passing it on for the British to draft the article, as they were native English speakers. The two leaders agreed that Mr. Aznar would invite the Portuguese and Italians to join in, while Mr. Blair would invite the central European leaders, as well as the Danish and Dutch prime ministers. The Dutch declined, because they were in the middle of a change of government after recent elections. President Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic joined in Wednesday night, his spokesman said, after phone calls from the Czech ambassador to the U.S. in Washington.
"We facilitated the letter from the eight European leaders. Aznar and Blair were the principal drivers of this letter, and we were very pleased and delighted that they chose to go with The Wall Street Journal," said a spokeswoman for the Journal.
In the op-ed piece, the eight leaders pay tribute to the U.S. role in protecting Europe from Nazism and Communism. "The transatlantic relationship must not become a casualty of the current Iraqi regime's persistent attempts to threaten world security," they write. They then warn that success in battling terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction now depends on "unwavering determination and firm international cohesion."
In most of the countries whose leaders signed the article, public opinion polls have so far showed strong opposition to the war, especially without Security Council backing. Some of the leaders who signed -- especially Mr. Blair, who is sending more than 30,000 troops to the Gulf -- have a big political stake in securing explicit U.N. support. A recent poll showed 77% of Britons oppose attacking Iraq without U.N. approval. Most members of Mr. Blair's ruling Labour Party, and some in his cabinet, also object to an attack without U.N. backing.
Mr. Aznar faces crucial regional and municipal elections on May 25 that are seen as a litmus test for general elections in 2004. In Spain, polls show about 80% opposition to a war without U.N. backing. For Spain and other countries not providing troops, however, the issue could prove less sensitive than in the U.K.
France recently said it saw "no justification" for war and hinted that it might use its Security Council veto to block U.N. backing. Many analysts believe, however, that France will ultimately agree to a Security Council resolution, and will even play some military role. If the U.S. were to act without the U.N., the influence of the Security Council -- and therefore of France -- would be diminished. And if France weren't part of the coalition, it would have no voice in the post-war settlement in Iraq.
Responding Wednesday to President Bush's State of the Union speech, French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin said in a television interview that he was "delighted" by Mr. Bush's promise that the U.S. would supply new evidence of Iraq's weapons programs to the Security Council on Feb. 5. Mr. de Villepin said France has been requesting that for weeks, and it would allow an informed decision on whether war is necessary.
"It is, you know, very important that the international community remains unified on this question," Mr. de Villepin said.
Nevertheless, France is among North Atlantic Treaty Organization members blocking a U.S. request to fill in for U.S. troops sent from Europe to the Gulf, and to send surveillance aircraft and Patriot missiles to defend Turkey in the event of war. Already blocked once, the plans didn't make it to the table Wednesday at a meeting of the alliance's policy-making North Atlantic Council, after the 19 allies failed to put it on the agenda in private talks Tuesday.
German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder also welcomed Mr. Bush's promise to produce more evidence that Iraq retains chemical, biological and nuclear weapons, saying it should help give weapons inspectors a "solid foundation" for their work. However, Mr. Schroeder has already ruled out either voting for or participating in military action against Iraq.
-- Carla Anne Robbins in Washington and Carlta Vitzthum in Madrid contributed to this article.
Write to Marc Champion at marc.champion@wsj.com
The eight European leaders who signed an article supporting the U.S. in tough action on Iraq.
Name/Title | ![]() Jose Maria Aznar, prime minister of Spain |
![]() Silvio Berlusconi, prime minister of Italy |
![]() Tony Blair, prime minister of Britain |
![]() J.M. Durao Barroso, prime minister of Portugal |
Age | 49 | 66 | 49 | 46 |
Took Office | 1996 | 1994, again in 2001 | 1997 | 2002 |
Political Party | Popular Party | Forza Italia | Labour Party | Social Democratic Party |
Current Term Ends | 2004 | 2006 | 2006 | 2006 |
Name/Title | ![]() Vaclav Havel, president of Czech Republic |
![]() Peter Medgyessy, prime minister of Hungary |
![]() Leszek Miller, prime minister of Poland |
![]() A.E. Rasmussen, prime minister of Denmark |
Age | 66 | 60 | 56 | 50 |
Took Office | 1993 | 2002 | 2001 | 2001 |
Political Party | Social Democratic Party | Hungarian Socialist Party | Democratic Left Alliance | Liberal Party |
Current Term Ends | February | 2005 | 2005 | 2005 |
Germany. Irrelevant.
But the Democrats keep saying over and over and over that we are alone in this
They wouldn't lie to us ... /sarcasm>
THANK YOU Leaders of Spain, Britain, Italy, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Denmark and Portugal.
United We Stand
Eight European leaders are as one with President Bush.
Thursday, January 30, 2003 12:01 a.m.
(Editor's note: This article is written by Jose María Aznar, Jose-Manuel Durão Barroso, Silvio Berlusconi, Tony Blair, Vaclav Havel, Peter Medgyessy, Leszek Miller and Anders Fogh Rasmussen.)
The real bond between the U.S. and Europe is the values we share: democracy, individual freedom, human rights and the rule of law. These values crossed the Atlantic with those who sailed from Europe to help create the United States of America. Today they are under greater threat than ever.
The attacks of Sept. 11 showed just how far terrorists--the enemies of our common values--are prepared to go to destroy them. Those outrages were an attack on all of us. In standing firm in defense of these principles, the governments and people of the U.S. and Europe have amply demonstrated the strength of their convictions. Today more than ever, the trans-Atlantic bond is a guarantee of our freedom.
We in Europe have a relationship with the U.S. which has stood the test of time. Thanks in large part to American bravery, generosity and farsightedness, Europe was set free from the two forms of tyranny that devastated our continent in the 20th century: Nazism and communism. Thanks, too, to the continued cooperation between Europe and the U.S. we have managed to guarantee peace and freedom on our continent. The trans-Atlantic relationship must not become a casualty of the current Iraqi regime's persistent attempts to threaten world security.
In today's world, more than ever before, it is vital that we preserve that unity and cohesion. We know that success in the day-to-day battle against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction demands unwavering determination and firm international cohesion on the part of all countries for whom freedom is precious.
The Iraqi regime and its weapons of mass destruction represent a clear threat to world security. This danger has been explicitly recognized by the U.N. All of us are bound by Security Council Resolution 1441, which was adopted unanimously. We Europeans have since reiterated our backing for Resolution 1441, our wish to pursue the U.N. route, and our support for the Security Council at the Prague NATO Summit and the Copenhagen European Council.
In doing so, we sent a clear, firm and unequivocal message that we would rid the world of the danger posed by Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. We must remain united in insisting that his regime be disarmed. The solidarity, cohesion and determination of the international community are our best hope of achieving this peacefully. Our strength lies in unity.
The combination of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism is a threat of incalculable consequences. It is one at which all of us should feel concerned. Resolution 1441 is Saddam Hussein's last chance to disarm using peaceful means. The opportunity to avoid greater confrontation rests with him. Sadly this week the U.N. weapons inspectors have confirmed that his long-established pattern of deception, denial and noncompliance with U.N. Security Council resolutions is continuing.
Europe has no quarrel with the Iraqi people. Indeed, they are the first victims of Iraq's current brutal regime. Our goal is to safeguard world peace and security by ensuring that this regime gives up its weapons of mass destruction. Our governments have a common responsibility to face this threat. Failure to do so would be nothing less than negligent to our own citizens and to the wider world.
The U.N. Charter charges the Security Council with the task of preserving international peace and security. To do so, the Security Council must maintain its credibility by ensuring full compliance with its resolutions. We cannot allow a dictator to systematically violate those resolutions. If they are not complied with, the Security Council will lose its credibility and world peace will suffer as a result. We are confident that the Security Council will face up to its responsibilities.
Messrs. Aznar, Durão Barroso, Berlusconi, Blair, Medgyessy, Miller and Fogh Rasmussen are, respectively, the prime ministers of Spain, Portugal, Italy, the U.K., Hungary, Poland and Denmark. Mr. Havel is the Czech president.
We bailed out Mexico with 20 Billion n loans didn't we?
We let Canada send a whole lot more to the US then we sell up there?
January 30, 2003
Today we are publishing a statement from the leaders of Britain, Spain, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Hungary, Italy, Poland and Portugal in support of President Bush's efforts to remove the threat Iraq poses to the civilized world. So much for the widely publicized "split" between America and Europe on this vital issue.
A split exists but it is between the U.S. and Germany, which by itself is of course not "Europe." France as usual is playing hard to get and putting its own interests ahead of any conceivable common global interest. Europe is a big place and now officially includes the former Iron Curtain nations so long denied a voice in Continental affairs; three are included here. Clearly the eight European leaders whose words we publish today do not share the views of Gerhard Schroder or Jacques Chirac (to the extent Mr. Chirac's views can be divined). They are as concerned as Mr. Bush about state-sponsored terrorism, as well they should be.
Mr. Bush spelled out that threat in greater detail in his State of the Union address, drawing on British intelligence that has discovered clear links between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda. Secretary of State Colin Powell is expected to elaborate on those links at the United Nations next week. Given the vast amounts of previously established chemical and biological poisons that are still unaccounted for in Iraq, it doesn't require much effort to imagine the unspeakable havoc such weapons could produce in a major European or American population center. Mr. Bush made this danger a central message of his address and clearly that concern is shared by Europe's clear-eyed leadership.
As the eight Europeans write nearby, if Iraq does not disarm of its own accord, "our governments have a common responsibility to face this threat." "Failure to do so," they say, "would be nothing less than negligent to our own citizens and to the wider world."
Mr. Bush has said the U.S. is prepared to lead a coalition of the willing in disarming Iraq. It is refreshing to see the support he has received in this joint statement from a Europe so many pundits describe as hostile to his aims. We hope these commentators will try to be more precise in their language when representing the views of "Europe."
Bu@@$hit.
Schroeder is reported in Die Welt as suggesting in a TV interview that new evidence supplied "at such a late date" is suspicious. In other words, he's suggesting Bush is a liar and we're fabricating the evidence.
Time to bring back Lucius Clay.
A spokesman for British Prime Minister Tony Blair said that France and Germany weren't asked to sign the op-ed piece. The spokesman declined to comment on why, but the French and German positions clearly are too far apart from the others to be included.The other countries didn't even bother asking!
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France. Irrelevant.
Germany. Irrelevant.
Is it NOT obvious that France AND Germany's 'Intelligence' KNOWS that 'the terrorists' have 'WMD' ALREADY 'in place' worldwide?
I hope I'm wrong,......but,.... why are 'they' taking the position 'they' ARE TAKING?
:-(
I'm pissed about Germany, the Germans I knew, while in USAFE had more sense, its pitiful what can happen to a country in just 20 years.
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