But that is utter nonsense. The confederates didn't buy many finished goods to begin with from anyone, much less Europe. The minute amount of imports entering through southern ports is proof of that. And if the confederate states paid a disproportionate amount of the tariff income then it was a disproportionately small amount. About 95% of the tariff was collected in only three Northern ports.
In the 19th century context, Southern economic policies based on export of raw materials to British manufacturers were regarded by many as consigning America to a weak and subservient position with respect to the British empire. Looking at what happened to the Caribbean islands after the sugar boom went bust gives a clue as to how such policies would have served America. Things looked differently in the Deep South, but historically dependence on cotton proved to be very harmful for the South, once other countries got involved in cotton growing. Many a free-marketeer today would have supported Lincoln in furthering commerce and industry and overcoming neo-colonial agrarian, slave-based economics. I'm not saying that a high tariff policy would have been right, but one has to see it in the context of the options available at the times, and not just in a modern-day academic context.
A lot of exaggerated rhetoric surrounds the Morrill tariff. Everyone knew tariffs would be revised upwards. Even Buchanan supported tariff revision. That tariffs were increased so much later on was largely the result of the war. I would sympathize with Southern opposition to the tariff increase, but it wasn't at the top of their agenda. Had blocking it been so very important as you say, it would not have gone through. But Deep South militants split the party over slavery-related questions and spent time agitating for secession rather than organizing to block legislation. In the Upper South, tariffs were probably less important than the emotional pull of "Southerness" in sparking secession, and arguably less important than slavery.
Saying that Lincoln threatened to use force to enforce the Morrill tariff gives the wrong impression. He wanted to keep the federal machinery functioning throughout the country, and the primary ways that the federal governments touched the lives of people were the mails, forts, the courts, and the tariff. His words bear out that his purpose was simply to keep the machinery of government in operation and maintain the impression that the country had not been divided: "In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere."
I do not know what you mean by "the use of the Dred Scott decision to allow the partial counting of slaves for purposes of Congressional Representation," since this partial counting was already in place in the Constitution. The question of who paid how much in tariffs has been much discussed. I don't think what's at issue is how much was paid in, but rather the fact that, not having developed industries, the slave states didn't get as much back from protection as the free states did. Also, you left out efforts by Deep Southerners to acquire more slave territories in the Caribbean and to get the slave trade reopened in the 1850s. Adding them in to your list of reasons for conflict changes the picture somewhat.
It's clear that more was involved than slavery, but if you are looking both for short-term immediate reasons for the conflict and for longer-term explanations of why the nation looked ready to divide into two sections in 1860 slavery goes much further than other reasons. Middle Western agrarians made common cause with Eastern industrialists and merchants because the expansion of slavery outweighed agrarian or tariff questions.