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Keepers of the Lincolnian Flame
LewRockwell.com ^ | December 19, 2002 | Gail Jarvis

Posted on 12/18/2002 11:38:28 PM PST by Aurelius

Keeper of the Flame is the title of a controversial film released in 1942. Ostensibly, it is the story of a newspaper reporter’s attempt to obtain information about a deceased war hero. The reporter’s efforts to research the famous man’s life are frustrated by a lack of cooperation from the man’s friends and relatives. Ultimately, the reporter uncovers a history of radical right wing political activity; an unsavory aspect of the man’s life that his associates concealed to protect his reputation.

Underlying the basic story was a not-so-subtle attack on right wing political views. This caused some of the actors to have reservations about appearing in the film and almost a decade later its screenwriter was blacklisted, this film being one of the pieces of evidence used against him.

Regardless of the merits of the film, the phenomenon it portrays is very real. Associates and organizations often become "keepers of the flame" by concealing or denying facts that might jeopardize reputations of famous people. A current example is the Claremont Institute’s militant stewardship of the Abraham Lincoln mythology.

This organization has begrudgingly been forced to defend its icon; something it thought it would never have to do. Abraham Lincoln was for decades held in high esteem, occupying an almost sacrosanct position. But in recent years, scholars, who are no longer willing to kowtow to the flamekeepers, have subjected the legend surrounding Lincoln to intense scrutiny. And they have discovered the proverbial feet of clay.

For some odd reason, the Claremont Institute’s defense of Lincoln brings to mind Elisabeth Kubler-Ross' book, On Death and Dying. In this landmark book, Dr. Kubler-Ross describes the five stages of grief that a person goes through when they are told they are dying: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. As the Claremont Institute fights to prevent the demise of its icon, it seems to be passing through these very same stages.

To protect the Abraham Lincoln mythology, the Claremont Institute frequently engages in less than professional behavior. Reviews of works critical of Lincoln are not always refuted with scholarly arguments, but often dismissed with deprecating epithets as though the authors were defacing a sacred shrine. On the other hand, the Institute’s praise of Lincoln idolaters frequently borders on religious fervor, using terminology more appropriate for devotional services than book reviews.

Claremont Institute member, Harry Jaffa, recently released his long awaited Lincoln book: A New Birth of Freedom. This new work lifts the Lincoln mythology into the ethereal zones. It is a spiritual labor of love by a man smitten by the "mythic proportions," the almost Christlike attributes of the Great Emancipator. Ever since the publication of Jaffa’s book, fellow Institute members have been busily churning out favorable reviews, and, to put it mildly, they’re just wild about Harry.

If the book is judged solely on the number of famous people quoted, it should receive high marks. In the pages of Jaffa’s homage to Lincoln one encounters Shakespeare, Thomas Aquinas, Plato, Socrates, Aristotle, Dante, Pascal, Rousseau, Tocqueville, Kant, Spinoza, Locke, Galileo, Edmund Burke, and a host of others including, of course, Jesus Christ. In fact, reading this book reminded me of the extravagant films of Federico Fellini. Upon leaving the theater, I often felt I’d witnessed something profound. But as days went by, I came to realize I’d only been exposed to a spectacular series of visual images, leading nowhere.

Applying a semantic sleight-of-hand, Jaffa tries to graft onto Lincoln everything that is good and noble from this exhaustive cast of luminaries. But it doesn’t work, so Jaffa’s excessive allusions to the wisdom of celebrated people become little more than pedantic droppings.

Not only does the book lack any semblance of objectivity, but Jaffa also makes frequent use of the double standard. To illustrate, consider this quote from a speech by Alexander Stephens, vice-president of the Confederate States: "The Negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so." Jaffa’s evaluation: "This remarkable address conveys, more than any other contemporary document, not only the soul of the Confederacy but also of that Jim Crow South that arose from the ashes of the Confederacy."

Interestingly, Lincoln made a somewhat similar statement in his debates with Stephen Douglas: "There is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will for ever forbid the two races from living together in terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race." Does this "remarkable" comment convey the soul of the North?

This is Jaffa’s reference to Lincoln’s statement. "In the debate with Douglas, Lincoln reiterates that he is not, and never has been, in favor of bringing about a perfect social and political equality between blacks and whites." Note Jaffa’s rationalization. "He (Lincoln) never says he will not be – Lincoln’s (deference) to ordinary American prejudices, in no wise proves that (he) shared those prejudices." What we see here is Jaffa’s incessant search for "hidden meanings" in Lincoln’s words, but only those that will confirm his hypothesis.

Following the current "politically correct" trend, Harry Jaffa and the Pharisees at the Claremont Institute frequently judge people from prior centuries, especially Confederates, by current political beliefs. But they exempt Lincoln from this practice knowing that their hero could never escape the label of racist.

Another example of Jaffa’s sophistry: " We will see Lincoln in the 1850s disclaiming any intention to make voters or jurors of Negroes. Given the vast mass of prejudice with which Lincoln was confronted, it would have been destructive of the antislavery cause for him to say anything else." Does Mr. Jaffa seriously believe that a comment by a relatively unknown senatorial candidate "would have been destructive of the antislavery cause?" Surely not. This is obviously a strained attempt to convert a purely political stance into a moralistic one.

And then Jaffa makes this extraordinary claim: "Negroes have voting rights and serve on juries today owing in large measure to the fact that Lincoln in the 1850s disavowed any intention to make them voters or jurors." How Lincoln’s opposition to Negro voting rights in the 1850s significantly contributed to the ultimate enactment of such rights is a reason known only to God and Harry Jaffa.

Not only does Jaffa apply a double standard when he interprets Lincoln’s statements; he also denigrates anyone who doesn’t share his opinion, especially those who doubt Lincoln’s commitment to the antislavery cause. In 1854, Lincoln said: "Much as I hate slavery, I would consent to the extension of it rather than see the Union dissolved, just as I would consent to any great evil, to avoid a greater one." Jaffa’s comment: "A morality governed by prudence is largely beyond the ken of our latter-day abolitionist historians."

"Prudence" is a more charitable description than "politics." But does it accurately describe Lincoln’s motives? In this instance Lincoln’s words are not oblique. He firmly states that the institution of slavery could be justified under certain circumstances especially when there were valid political reasons for not opposing it. However, if we take Lincoln’s comment verbatim, Jaffa will claim that it is beyond our ken to understand Lincoln’s true strategy. Yet Jaffa himself always employs a verbatim interpretation of comments by Confederate sympathizers.

Throughout his 500-page work, Harry Jaffa usually imputes moralistic rather than political considerations for Abraham Lincoln’s actions. However, in those cases where there was no political mileage to be gained, Lincoln’s conduct was not always admirable. For example, there was no influential group advocating humane treatment for American Indians. Consequently, in the conduct of its westward expansion program, the Lincoln administration pursued policies that impoverished and decimated several Indian tribes; policies that included forced removal from sacred lands, incarceration in concentration camps, resettlements, massacres and public hangings.

But Jaffa willfully ignores all actions and statements by Lincoln that do not conform to his messianic portrait. His book; A New Birth of Freedom is described as an attack on "attempts to diminish the cause of Lincoln in the American mind" and it ends with this curious call to arms: "We must take up the weapons of truth and go forth to battle once again for the cause of Father Abraham, of Union, and of Freedom, as in the olden time."

But far from establishing "a new birth of freedom," Abraham Lincoln’s tyrannical assaults on freedom set a ruinous precedent that continues to this day. And the Claremont Institute may not be able to keep this dark side of Lincoln hidden in the closet. As Lincoln himself said: "You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time."


TOPICS: News/Current Events
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1 posted on 12/18/2002 11:38:28 PM PST by Aurelius
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To: Non-Sequitur; WhiskeyPapa; tpaine
BUMP
2 posted on 12/18/2002 11:39:38 PM PST by Aurelius
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To: Aurelius
You have a point in 'bumping' me?
3 posted on 12/18/2002 11:45:27 PM PST by tpaine
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To: Aurelius
Lincoln freed the slaves in the South with the Emancipation Proclamation. That's not theory, it's fact.

Lincoln freed the slaves in the North with the 13th Amendment. That's not theory, it's fact.

Contrary to this writer, it's no new "discovery" that Lincoln wasn't a 21st century liberal on race relations. But even if he didn't believe in social equality between the races (no elected politician in mid-19th century America did), he hated slavery and he ended it in America. The Lincoln-haters can't deny that, so they insist on changing the subject.

It's also no new "discovery" that Lincoln prosecuted the war with a firm hand, including strong policies against Southern supporters in the North. It was a civil war, and there's no civil war in history that was played by Queensbury rules.

4 posted on 12/18/2002 11:52:04 PM PST by churchillbuff
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To: Aurelius
It was a civil war, and there's no civil war in history that was played by Queensbury rules.

Actually, Lincoln was no harsher toward Confederate collaborators in the North than Ashcroft and Bush are being toward suspected Al Quida operatives, many of whom, it has been charged, are held in extraordinary confinement and circumstances. The nation's survival may demand that today - - also in Lincoln's day.

5 posted on 12/19/2002 12:02:26 AM PST by churchillbuff
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To: churchillbuff
Good on You.Walt
6 posted on 12/19/2002 3:21:27 AM PST by WhiskeyPapa
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To: rdf; davidjquackenbush
More neo-reb bovine fertilizer.
7 posted on 12/19/2002 5:49:22 AM PST by WhiskeyPapa
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To: Aurelius
It's hard to imagine these bums could write:

To protect the Abraham Lincoln mythology, the Claremont Institute frequently engages in less than professional behavior.

And then write:

"Interestingly, Lincoln made a somewhat similar statement in his debates with Stephen Douglas: "There is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will for ever forbid the two races from living together in terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."

When Lincoln said:

"I confess that I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down down, and caught, and carried back to their stripes and unwarranted toils; but I bite my lip and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-water trip, on a Steam Boat from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio there were, on board, ten or a dozen slaves, shackled together with irons. That sight was a continual torment to me; and I see something like it every time I touch the Ohio, or any other slave-border. It is hardly fair for you to assume, that I have no such interest in a thing which has, and continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and the Union."

8/24/54

"If A can prove, however conclusively, that he may, of right, enslave B. -- why not B. snatch the same argument, and prove equally, that he may enslave A.?

-- You say A. is a white, and B. is black. It is --color--, then; the lighter, having the right to enslave the darker? Take care. By this rule, you are to be the slave to the first man you meet, with a fairer skin than your own.

You do not mean color exactly? -- You mean the whites are --intellectually-- the superiors of the blacks, and therefore, have the right to enslave them? Take care again. By this rule, you are to be slave to the first man you meet, with an intellect superior to your own.

But, say you, it is a question of --interest--; and, if you can make it your --interest--, you have the right to enslave another. Very well. And if he can make it his interest, he has the right to enslave you."

1854

"I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which in my judgment will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. [Loud cheers.] I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects---certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man."

August, 1858

"I do not expect the Union to be dissolved--I do not expect the house to fall--But I do expect it will cease to be divided. Either the opponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is the course of ultimate extinctioon; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new--North as well as South. Have we no tendency towards the latter condition?"

1858

"The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied, and evaded, with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them "glittering generalities"; another bluntly calls them "self evident lies"; and still others insidiously argue that they only apply to "superior races."

These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object and effect. -- the supplanting the principles of free government, and restoring those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They would delight a convocation of crowned heads, plotting against the people. They are the van-guard -- the miners and sappers -- of returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they will subjugate us. This is a world of compensations; and he that would -be- no slave, must consent to --have-- no slave. Those that deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it."

3/1/59

"But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose that you do not. ....peace does not appear as distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to worth the keeping in all future time. It will have then been proved that, among free men, there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet; and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case, and pay the cost. And then, there will be some black men, who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet they have helped mankind on to this great consumation; while, I fear, there will be some white ones, unable to forget that, with malignant heart, and deceitful speech, have strove to hinder it. Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us dilligently apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the rightful result."

8/23/63

"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel...

In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years struggle the Nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South, shall pay for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God."

4/4/64

"it is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers."

4/11/65

sources: "Abraham Lincoln, Mystic Chords of Memory" published by the Book of the Month Club, 1984 and:

"Lincoln, Speeches and Writings, 1859-65, Library of the Americas, Don E. Fehrenbacher, ed. 1989

Lincoln clearly was preparing the way for black suffrage.

Consider these letters:

Private

General Hunter

Executive Mansion

Washington D.C. April 1, 1863

My dear Sir:

I am glad to see the accounts of your colored force at Jacksonville, Florida. I see the enemy are driving at them fiercely, as is to be expected. It is mportant to the enemy that such a force shall not take shape, and grow, and thrive, in the south; and in precisely the same proportion, it is important to us that it shall. Hence the utmost caution and viglilance is necessary on our part. The enemy will make extra efforts to destroy them; and we should do the same to perserve and increase them.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

_________________________________________________________

Hon. Andrew Johnson

Executive Mansion,

My dear Sir:

Washington, March 26. 1863.

I am told you have at least thought of raising a negro military force. In my opinion the country now needs no specific thing so much as some man of your ability, and position, to go to this work. When I speak of your position, I mean that of an eminent citizen of a slave-state, and himself a slave- holder. The colored population is the great available and yet unavailed of, force for restoring the Union. The bare sight of fifty thousand armed, and drilled black soldiers on the banks of the Mississippi, would end the rebellion at once. And who doubts that we can present that sight, if we but take hold in earnest? If you have been thinking of it please do not dismiss the thought.

Yours truly

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Hon Soc of War

Executive Mansion

Washington

July 21, 1863

My Dear Sir:

I desire that a renewed and vigorous effort be made to raise colored forces along the shores of the Missippi [sic]. Please consult the General-in-chief; and if it is perceived that any acceleration of the matter can be effected, let it be done. I think the evidence is nearly conclusive that Gen. Thomas is one of the best, if not the very best, instruments for this service.

Yours truly

--------------------------------------

Lincoln also proposed --privately-- to the new governor of Louisiana that the new state constitution include voting rights for blacks. A year later, in April, 1865 he came out --publicly-- for the suffrage for black soldiers, because his great --political-- skill told him that the time was right.

It was a direct result of this speech, and this position, that Booth shot him.

President Lincoln, besides ordering the army (note that this is only a few months after the EP) to use black soldiers more vigorously, made many public speeches to prepare the people for the idea of black suffrage.

"

"When you give the Negro these rights," he [Lincoln] said, "when you put a gun in his hands, it prophesies something more: it foretells that he is to have the full enjoyment of his liberty and his manhood...By the close of the war, Lincoln was reccomending commissioning black officers in the regiments, and one actually rose to become a major before it was over. At the end of 1863, more than a hundred thousand had enlisted in the United States Colored Troops, and in his message to Congress the president reported, "So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any." When some suggested in August 1864 that the Union ought to offer to help return runaway slaves to their masters as a condition for the South's laying down its arms, Lincoln refused even to consider the question.

"Why should they give their lives for us, with full notice of our purpose to betray them?" he retorted. "Drive back to the support of the rebellion the physical force which the colored people now give, and promise us, and neither the present, or any incoming administration can save the Union." To others he said it even more emphatically. "This is not a question of sentiment or taste, but one of physical force which may be measured and estimated. Keep it and you can save the Union. Throw it away, and the Union goes with it."

--"Lincoln's Men" pp 163-64 by William C. Davis

Lincoln's sense of fairness made him seek to extend the blessings of citizenship to everyone who served under the flag.

His great political skill made him realize that blacks --were--not-- leaving -- he played that card and no one was biting, black or white. That being the case, he knew he had to prepare for the future, and that future involved full rights for blacks.

Walt

8 posted on 12/19/2002 5:57:20 AM PST by WhiskeyPapa
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To: Aurelius
This is the type of quote from Lincoln that the bums at Lewrockwell.com hope people don't find:

"And yet again, there are in the United States and territories, including the District of Columbia, 433,643 free blacks. At $500 per head they are worth over two hundred millions of dollars. How comes this vast amount of property to be running about without owners? We do not see free horses or free cattle running at large. How is this? All these free blacks are the descendants of slaves, or have been slaves themselves, or they would be slaves now, but for something which has operated on their white owners, inducing them, at vast pecuniary sacrifices, to liberate them. What is that something? Is there any mistaking it? In all cases it is your sense of justice, and human sympathy, continually telling you, that the poor negro has some natural right to himself-- that those who deny it, and make mere merchandise of him, deserve kickings, contempt and death...

The doctrine of self-government is right -- absolutely and eternally right -- but it has no just application, as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has such application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If he is not a man, why in that case, he who is a man may, as a matter of self-government, do just as he pleases with him. But if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government, to say that he too shall not govern himself? When the white man governs himself that is self-government; but when he governs himself, and also governs another man, that is more than self-government -- that is despotism. If the negro is a man, why then my ancient faith teaches me that "all men are created equal;" and there can be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of another."

--A. Lincoln

9 posted on 12/19/2002 7:29:01 AM PST by WhiskeyPapa
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To: WhiskeyPapa
When you post a bunch of garbage like that, do you think anybody bothers to read it? Anybody who has done so a few times will know that it is just a bunch of randomly chosen electronic cut-and-paste with no relevence to the point at issue. Why do you waste your time? Are you so deluded that you think that readers think that you know what you are talking about? Do you actually, yourself, read the stuff that you poste?
10 posted on 12/19/2002 5:32:53 PM PST by Aurelius
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To: WhiskeyPapa
As usual, it is difficult to see what your point is, making the generous assumption that there is one. Do you mean to suggest that the following is not an accurate Lincoln quote?

" There is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will for ever forbid the two races from living together in terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."

11 posted on 12/20/2002 6:19:21 PM PST by Aurelius
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To: WhiskeyPapa
"I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.

Ooops.

You might actually want to read your slash and paste drivel.

(This familiar quote was included in WPWalt's latest.)

12 posted on 12/20/2002 6:27:52 PM PST by don-o
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To: don-o
"I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.

Ooops.

You might actually want to read your slash and paste drivel.

You read my number 8, and this is what you came up with? I'll just refer the lurkers back to # 8. They can make their own judgments.

Walt

13 posted on 12/20/2002 11:21:23 PM PST by WhiskeyPapa
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To: WhiskeyPapa
More neo-reb bovine fertilizer.

That's it, Walt. Since you're unable to handle the truth of your false god's all too human errors, call names at the people pointing them out.

14 posted on 12/21/2002 4:48:59 PM PST by GOPcapitalist
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To: WhiskeyPapa; Aurelius
I'll just refer the lurkers back to # 8. They can make their own judgments.

Here's my judgment. It's just as both said - slash and paste drivel with, at best, only a loose and indirect connection to the thread's topic. You seem to have no point in posting it beyond an instinctive reactionary bloviation that comes naturally to you any time somebody penetrates the shield of lies surrounding your idolatrous god, The Lincoln.

You cut n' paste the same drivel of quotations on practically every thread, Walt. It doesn't matter what is being discussed. It doesn't matter what is relevant to that discussion. All that matters is that somebody extended something other than blind idolatrous worship toward your false god. And just like the excessive indulgence of Mexican food instigates subsequent motions in later hours, the fact that somebody out there says something critical of The Lincoln prompts you to unload your own verbal form of the same in response.

15 posted on 12/21/2002 4:58:53 PM PST by GOPcapitalist
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To: GOPcapitalist
Thanks for the flag.
16 posted on 12/21/2002 5:13:57 PM PST by Aurelius
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