Posted on 12/13/2002 8:10:28 AM PST by Wallace T.
May 11, 1949
370 Central Park West
New York 25, N.Y.
Headquarters,
States Rights Democrats
Jackson, Miss.
Gentlemen:
The New York Times this morning carried a report which, if true, is just about the best political news of the year. Indeed, it may be the most significant development since the advent of the New Deal.
Although a New Yorker born and bred, I was a staunch supporter of the Thurmond movement; a good friend of mine headed the Columbia Students for Thurmond, which I believe was the only such collegiate movement north of the Mason-Dixon line.
My support, however, was not extremely enthusiastic, because, although I agreed wholeheartedly with the platform and Thurmonds campaign speeches, I felt that it was keyed too much to purely Southern interests. Sure, the Civil Tyranny program must be combatted, but what about the myriad invasions of states rights in other fields by the power-hungry Washington bureaucracy? In other words, while you always claimed that yours was a national movement, by talking only of the Civil Tyranny program you threw away any attraction to Northern and Western voters.
I have always felt that it is imperative for the States Rights movement to establish itself on a nation-wide scale. Obviously, we are now living in a one-party system, a party of Socialists in fact if not in name, and only courageous Southern Democrats in Congress have so far blocked their program. But as far as Presidential elections go, the Republicans are through the Socialist Administration has too much power to bribe voters with wild promises. If things go on as they are, it is only a question of a few years for the socialist program to go through and destroy this land of liberty.
Therefore it is essential to form a new party, of States Righters, consisting of Southern Democrats and real Republicans (omitting the me-too Republicans) to launch a dynamic offensive against National Socialism in this country before it is too late. I am greatly elated over your new platform because I believe it points in that direction.
Would you please send me a copy of your new platform and constitution? Do you plan to start a newspaper of nation-wide circulation? This would be of great help in establishing a national States Rights movement.
I would like to add that, as an economist, I enthusiastically support your proposals on national debt and taxes in fact, taken all and all, from the news reports I would say that your new platform is one of the best in American history. Indeed, it is one of the finest political statements in America since Calhouns Exposition.
It could grow into a mighty movement if you have the will and vision. There are millions of Americans throughout the country, Republicans and Democrats, who would flock to your banner. They are weary of being led by the nose by New Deal politicians of both parties they are tired of being deprived of their votes because there is no anti-socialist and pro-liberty party to which they can turn.
You, gentlemen, can be a means of succor for these millions - and not only these, but America itself. National Socialism has always meant poverty, tyranny, and war. America is slipping down the road and has already gone far; it must be restored to the right path if the great dream of our forefathers of a nation dedicated to liberty is not to vanish from the earth. Yours can be that mission.
Sincerely yours,
Murray N. Rothbard
Murray N. Rothbard (19261995), the founder of modern libertarianism and the dean of the Austrian School of economics, was the author of The Ethics of Liberty and For a New Liberty and many other books and articles. He was also academic vice president of the Ludwig von Mises Institute and the Center for Libertarian Studies, and the editor with Lew Rockwell of The Rothbard-Rockwell Report.
Copyright © 2002 by the Ludwig von Mises Institute
Not only that, but it is a proper use of federal power and force to ensure that states adhere to the core provisions of the Constitution. Jim Crow was a direct violation of the concept of equal protection. Plessy v. Ferguson even tacitly admitted the importance of the concept, with its "separate but equal" langauge. Since forced segregation was anything but equal, that nullified Plessey and justified federal force to make states adhere to the Constituiton.
And eliminating Jim Crow was a valid federal action under the Constitution. States do NOT have the right to violate the fundamental constitutional rights of their citizens - and Jim Crow was a direct affront to the concept of equal protection. The Dixiecrats took a noble concept, states rights, and, by trying to wrap it around their sordid actions, instead fouled the core concepts they claimed they were standing for - and to this day, opponents of states rights simply point to 1948 as an effective means of trashing any good arguments in favor of states rights. And by bringing this up now, Lott just set federalism back several years.
As those 80 years went by, the South pretty much controlled that agenda and the courts, even got the Fugitive Slave Act passed.
If we compare a public school board of trustees in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1922 treating black students in an inferior manner by not spending as much per pupil and their successors in 2002 failing to enforce an orderly atmosphere, both are negligent actions. In the former case, no doubt the trustees believed blacks were an inferior race and thus it was considered wasteful to spend as much on their education as on white students. In the latter case, the trustees may believe that tough-minded discipline would be harmful to the psyches of students. In both cases, the trustees may believe their motivations are good ones, but the consequences in both cases are disastrous.
There was no mutual consent to end it on the part of the slave holding states. And 73 years later there was still no desire to end it on the part of the slave-holding states.
I tend to blame the founders for this problem. You cannot create a limited-government system that also allows a group to be denied their core federal rights by the underlying entities. Had the founders addressed slavery at the time the Constitution were written, much of the justification for federal expansion of powers would have been nullified right there and then.
Yeah, using the force of state government to deny a group their rights hardly fits my personal definition of limited government. Good point.
If you are embarassed by the Dixiecrats espousing states' rights, are you also embarassed by the Ku Klux Klan's support of the Second Amendment or the ACLU's defense of the First Amendment? Because the People for the American Way support separation of church and state, would you call for a theocracy? Should we have stayed out of the European theater of World War II because Joe Stalin was our ally? Should we not have signed a defense treaty with Spain because Franco was an autocratic dictator? The liberals will use any wedge, legitimate or not, to attack conservative positions.
Conservatives must sear into their consciences two facts: they will never please liberals and they should not try to do so. Lott's remarks only set back states rights to the extent that conservatives let themselves be cowed by the liberal media and mainstream culture.
Having said that, my own view is that (within the 1787 Constitutional context), the best approach for conservatives in the 1940s and 1950s would have been to have pushed aggressively for voting rights e.g. enforcement of the 15th Amendment. Having said that, it is interesting to note that many GOP consrvatives (including Goldwater!) supported an early version of the 1957 CR act which had tough rules on voting rights. The Act was later watered down by LBJ and the "moderates" and made completely toothless.
If blacks in Mississippi, for example, had had voting rights, they could have defended their rights and the subsequent CR Act which ultimately morphed into the quota monster.
Nice sleight of hand, but the 1948 Dixiecrats were not resisting the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Dixiecrats were resisting, in effect, the XIVth and XVth Amendmentsheck, they were practically resisting the XIIIth Amendment. But if the federal government has no legitimate authority to prevent states' violations of Constitutional rights reserved for the people or prohibited to the states, the entire document becomes meaningless. If the federal government cannot enforce the XIVth and XVth Amendments, then it also cannot enforce Article IV, Section 4, and there's nothing to prevent a state from reverting to monarchy.
I absolutely concur that the civil "rights" movement of the 60s trampled the Constitution by equating private, voluntary action with coercive government action. However, the Democrats of the 40s had no more respect for freedom of association than the Democrats of today do. Strom Thurmond repudiated their beliefs long ago, and I'm stunned that so many Republicans here find it hard to do the same. Just because the Dixiecrats used to be the enemy of our enemy, that does not make them our friend.
I agree. Federal action seldom stops where it should - therefore, the states would have been better off reforming themselves rather than creating a situation where the feds were justified in acting. As a result, we are ALL paying for it now.
If you are embarassed by the Dixiecrats espousing states' rights, are you also embarassed by the Ku Klux Klan's support of the Second Amendment or the ACLU's defense of the First Amendment?
I would not stand with the KKK on the 2nd A - I would distance myself, because the gun-grabbers would use the KKK to paint us all as racist gun nuts. The ACLU is nowhere near the same as the KKK - I can agree with a group in some areas and disagree in others - it is not an all or nothing proposition, whether you try to make it such.
Because the People for the American Way support separation of church and state, would you call for a theocracy?
That's an absurd attempt at logic.
Should we have stayed out of the European theater of World War II because Joe Stalin was our ally?
Sometimes you don't have a choice. But it's silly to try to equate WWII with fighting segregationism and bigotry.
In 1788, 11 out of 13 states were slaveholding; by 1860, 15 out of 34 permitted the institution. In the 72 year period, due to the increased admission of free states and the abolition of slavery in the Northeastern states, slave states went from the majority to the minority.
Thus, "slave states" of 1788 were different from those of 1860.
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