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NSSM 2000: blueprint for de-population
by Jean Guilfoyle
The population-control ideology and the means to achieve it can be found in a U.S. executive-level government document entitled National security study memorandum 200: Implications of worldwide population growth for U.S. security and overseas interests (NSSM 200), published in 1974 and declassified in 1989. Although this plan of action was to be activated in developing countries, it was designed as a two-edged sword that could be swung with equal determination in both developed and developing countries alike. The document was signed by Henry Kissinger and directed to the secretaries of defense, agriculture and central intelligence, the deputy secretary of state, and the administrator of the Agency for International Development, with a copy to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The focus of the study was the "international political and economic implications of population growth."

The study identified 13 "key countries" in which "special U.S. political and strategic interests" existed. The targeted nations were: India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nigeria, Mexico, Indonesia, Brazil, the Philippines, Thailand, Egypt, Turkey, Ethiopia and Colombia.

Security interests

U.S. security interests were seen as threatened by demographic and political realities in lesser-developed countries (LDCs), and the age structure of high-fertility nations with large numbers of young people. Young people were considered a potential threat to multi-national corporations. Revolutionary actions and counter-revolutionary coups in countries with large populations were viewed as posing the danger of expropriation of foreign investments, and creating political or national security problems for the U.S. Also mentioned were racial, ethnic, cultural, and religious factors, where "differential rates of population growth (exists) among these groups."

A major U.S. security interest concerned access to "reserves of higher-grade ores of most minerals," and the terms for exploration and exploitation of those resources. The study advised that civil disturbances affecting the "smooth flow of needed materials" would be less likely to occur "under conditions of slow or zero population growth."

The expression of resistance to global population strategies at the World Population Conference in Bucharest, in August, 1974, created a need to "persuade" LDC leaders to assist in population reduction within the targeted countries. Those objections came from countries wanting to ensure that any "new international economic order" would respect national sovereignty. In addition, "There was general consternation ... when at the beginning of the conference the (World Population Plan of Action) was subjected to a slashing, five-pronged attack led by Algeria, with the backing of several African countries; Argentina, supported by Uruguay, Brazil, Peru, and ... some other Latin American countries; the Eastern European group, less Romania; the PRC and the Holy See" (86-87).

World-wide propaganda

The attack led eventually to a worldwide propaganda effort to "create demand" for population-control technologies, and extol the benefits of population reduction within the nations: "Development of a worldwide political and popular commitment to population stabilization is fundamental to any effective strategy. This requires the support and commitment of key LDC leaders. This will only take place if they clearly see the negative impact of unrestricted population growth and believe it is possible to deal with this question through governmental action" (100).

Sensitive to the charge of interference in the internal policies of nations, the document said, "We must take care that our activities should not give the appearance ... of an industrialized country policy directed against the LDCs." In light of this, the document called for "integrating population factors in national plans, particularly (within) health services, education, agricultural resources and development" while relating "population policies and family-planning programs to major sectors of development: health, nutrition, agriculture, education, social services, organized labor, women's activities, and community development" (21-2).

Sharpening this protective camouflage, the document recommended the integration of family planning with health programs: "Finally, providing integrated family planning and health services on a broad basis would help the U.S. contend with the ideological charge that the U.S. is more interested in curbing the numbers of LDC people than it is in their future and well-being" (117).

In the establishment of American-funded public policy, NSSM 200 suggested that population factors and population policies should be considered in all "Country Assistance Strategy Papers and Development Assistance Program multi-year papers.... Since population growth is a major determinant of increases in food demand," the document continued, "the allocation of scarce PL480 (food) resources should take account of what steps a country is taking in population control as well as food production."

Again, a cautionary warning accompanied the recommendation: "In these sensitive relationships, however, it is important in style as well as substance to avoid the appearance of coercion" (106-107). It was also recommended that other organizations, agencies, multilateral institutions and embassies participate in the establishment of population initiatives where resistance was prevalent. The use of satellite communications for propaganda was also recommended: "Beyond seeking to reach and influence national leaders, improved worldwide support for population-related efforts should be sought through increased emphasis on mass media and other population education and motivation programs by the UN, USIA (U.S. Information Agency) and USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development). We should give higher priorities in our information programs worldwide for this area and consider expansion of collaborative arrangements with multilateral institutions in population education programs" (117).

The role of the Department of State and USAID in the formation of "the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) to generate a multilateral effort in population as complement to the bilateral actions of AID and other donor countries" was described (121). Acting through the UNFPA gave the additional benefit of avoiding "the danger that some LDC leaders will see developed-country pressures for family planning as a form of economic or racial imperialism; this could well create a serious backlash."

Imperialist motivation

"The U.S. can help to minimize charges of an imperialist motivation behind its support of population activities by repeatedly asserting that such support derives from a concern with: (a) the right of the individual to determine freely and responsibly their number and spacing of children ... and (b) the fundamental social and economic development of poor countries" (114-5).

Finally, an "alternative" view was presented, which maintained that "mandatory programs may be needed and that we should be considering these possibilities now." Here, it was asked whether food would be considered "an instrument of national power" (118-120).

NSSM 200 was a statement composed after the fact. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the U.S. had worked diligently behind the scenes to advance the population-control agenda at the United Nations, contributing the initial funding of $1 million.

A Department of State telegram, dated July 1969, reported the support of John D. Rockefeller III, among others, for the appointment of Rafael Salas of the Philippines as senior officer to co-ordinate and administer the UN population program. The administrator of the UN Development Program reported confidentially that he preferred someone such as Salas who had the "advantage of color, religion (Catholic) and conviction."

Why should this be a matter of interest to other countries? For two reasons. First, NSSM 200 describes the ideology and the methods for instituting population policies within sovereign nations. Second, in order to recognize the forceful determination of the program's propagators.

But there is another reason: look at us and learn. The people most seriously damaged by such a program will always be the people of the advocate nation itself. Former under-secretary for global affairs Timothy Wirth, when asked about the abortion issue by a reporter, responded lightly, "It's just another technology."

The U.S. has lost over 36 million children to abortion since 1973. It would be impossible to calculate the numbers lost through abortifacient drugs and devices. This much we do know: over 30 per cent of our youth between the ages of 15 and 25 are gone.

January 1999

The UN, the IMF, the World Bank, and abortion
World financial institutions key leverage in de-population of Third World
John Henry Westen
On Oct. 15, the U.S. Congress decided to approve an $18-billion funding package for the International Monetary Fund - one that will, for the first time in three years, be accepted by President Bill Clinton.

U.S. monies to the IMF had not been approved of for two years previous to this, since pro-life members of Congress attached pro-life provisions to the funding proposals, thereby restricting U.S. monies from being used to promote abortion. Clinton consistently kept a promise to veto any funding proposals with language not in favour of abortion during this time.

In the latest development, Clinton "played puppet master and won," as the American Life League put it. No abortion-related restrictions were in the latest funding proposal.

Why would President Clinton care so much about promoting abortion in foreign lands? And why would international financial institutions promote abortion in the first place? Strangely enough, these two questions join perfectly in explaining population control around the world, particularly in the Third World.

The world's two foremost financial institutions, the IMF and World Bank, are completely entrenched in the provision and promotion of population control - and thus, abortion - in poor countries in which they operate. Their direction actually stems from the United States government itself.

A special division of the U.S. Treasury Department known as the National Advisory Council on International Monetary and Financial Policies has orchestrated the programs of the IMF and World Bank to fall in line with U.S. foreign policy, which officially includes population control.

NSSM 200

In the 1988 annual report to the president and Congress, the NAC described itself as "an advisory body, authorized, inter alia, to review proposed transactions and programs to the extent necessary or desirable to co-ordinate U.S. policies. With regard to the international financial institutions, such as the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the African Development Bank and Fund, the Council seeks to ensure that, to the maximum extent possible, their operations are conducted in a manner consistent with U.S. policies and objectives and with the lending and other foreign financial activities of U.S. government agencies."

The official policy of the U.S. regarding population control in foreign policy is spelled out in U.S. National Security Study Memorandum 200, written by Henry Kissinger. The Memorandum became the official guide to U.S. foreign policy on Nov. 26, 1975 and has not been replaced since. NSSM 200, subtitled "Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests," warned that increasing populations in developing countries threatened U.S. strategic, economic, and military interests.

The Memorandum suggested that competition from new world powers would rise when developing nations had sufficient populations to utilize their national resources to their full potential. The Memorandum specifically targeted 13 countries in this regard. For example, it noted that Nigeria, one of the 13, was "already the most populous country on the (African) continent, with an estimated 55 million people in 1970," and "Nigeria's population by the end of this century is projected to number 135 million," which "suggests a growing political and strategic role for Nigeria, at least in Africa south of the Sahara."

Thus, NSSM 200 was about ensuring U.S. strategic, economic, and military interest, at the expense of developing countries, by proposing population control to address these countries' potential population growth. The report spelled out a plan to bring about "a two-child family on the average" throughout the world "by about the year 2000." Interestingly, NSSM 200 went into detail about avoiding U.S. responsibility for population-control programs by ensuring that the UN and international financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank adopt population-control policies as prerequisites to their giving of aid. The report suggested furthering the camouflage by mandating that countries accepting aid from the UN or the banks form their own population-control ministries.

In establishing population control, NSSM said, "Involvement of the (World) Bank in this area would open up new possibilities for collaboration." The study also noted that the U.S. government played "an important role in establishing the United Nations Fund for Population Activities to spearhead a multilateral effort in population as a complement to the bilateral actions of AID and other donor countries." It added that "with a greater commitment of Bank resources and improved consultation with AID and UNFPA, a much greater dent could be made on the overall problem." Moreover, the report asserts that "mandatory programs may be needed and that we should be considering these possibilities now."

Hook, line and sinker

With the U.S. pushing behind the scenes, the World Bank, IMF and UN accepted the population-control agenda hook, line and sinker. These groups found that population-control propaganda was necessary since many countries were averse to the idea of foreign-imposed population reduction.

In a 1992 operations evaluation, the World Bank wrote, "Political sensitivities about population-control policies of foreigners made it difficult for Bank staff to breach the topic with governments ... The Bank's current approach in Latin America is to focus on reproductive health and safe motherhood as the rationale for family planning."

The report continued, "If the Bank wants to work in countries that do not accept population control as the rationale, it must base its population program on a broader and more flexible set of principles. This could start from a recognition that the overall objective is promotion of sustainable development in living standards ..."

This language of deceit has been successfully employed to lull unsuspecting recipients and the world at large into complacency about population control. The IMF clearly demonstrated just a few weeks ago that the use of misleading terms as a cover for population control is still practised. In a press release on Aug. 31 of this year, the IMF announced its approval of a $26 million (US) loan for the African country of Niger. In a section of the release on "social issues," the IMF stated that "the fundamental objective of the government is to improve the standard of living," and in doing this, "priority will be given to promoting family planning and women's programs."

The managing director of the IMF, Michel Camdessus, breached the issue of population control more directly in Geneva in 1995 when he addressed the high-level segment of the UN Economic and Social Council. Speaking at a meeting about Africa, Camdessus said that the continent must "adopt a more responsible approach to population growth." Expounding traditional population-control mythology, he said, "It is clear that in order to hasten the improvement in the living standards of the poorest, national policy agendas must include the priorities agreed at the Cairo (population-control) conference last September," he said.

These remarks from Camdessus fly in the face of evidence already admitted by the international banking elite. In a 1989 report on Africa, an official publication of the World Bank noted that "Africa is well endowed with minerals (including oil), and so far only a fraction of this wealth has been extracted." The report also said, "It is true that many areas (of Africa) are substantially underpopulated (and) could easily support much larger numbers," and that Africa might eventually accommodate several times its present population.

However, these facts never seem to change the incessant call for population control. The very same World Bank study that noted African underpopulation concluded that "exceptionally high population growth is compromising economic growth and family welfare, (is adding) to environmental degradation, and thus seriously jeopardizing Africa's long term development."

While the population-control terminology used in press releases, official addresses, and in initial aid contacts with various needy nations may be encouraging and supportive, back-up measures ensuring compliance are also practised.

In a September 1998 World Bank report evaluating its "Costs, Payments, and Incentives in Family-Planning Programs," the Bank wrote about the use of "incentives" and "disincentives" on fertility choices. The report said of "incentives" that, "First, payments are made to: (a) acceptors, (b) providers, and (c) recruiters, all focused on the act of accepting a method (usually sterilization). These payments may be in cash or in kind and are usually given immediately upon acceptance."

'Disincentives'

"Disincentives" are described in the report as, "Oriented directly to fewer births, as distinct from inducements to practise contraception. Some involve benefits (or penalties) ... salary level, tax exemptions, maternity leaves, eligibility for preferred housing, schools, and so forth."

As instructed by NSSM 200, international banks have tied financial aid to the the practice of population control. A clear example comes from a 1992 evaluation paper by the World Bank discussing "Population and the World Bank" in Senegal. The report described a rural health project in the country which focused on the provision of buildings and equipment for expansion of basic health services.

The study noted that the agreement to provide the buildings and equipment was contingent on family planning. The study added that the "failure to implement this element" resulted in a stagnation of the project. The report went on to say that in 1985-1986, the Bank concentrated on helping the government develop a comprehensive population policy. As a direct result of the acceptance of the population policy (a "condition of release") the Bank released the money (called a structural-adjustment loan) needed to complete the project. "This recommendation was accepted and eventually implemented by making the development of such a policy statement a condition for release of the second tranche of the third structural-adjustment loan."

Taking into consideration that the origin of the population-control agenda stems from some of the highest echelons of U.S. political power (as evident from Kissinger's NSSM 200), it is not surprising that President Clinton refuses to fund the IMF and UN unless the monies are used to promote abortion, an essential element in population control.

Interestingly, a campaign to pressure the U.S. Congress to drop abortion restrictions and allow U.S. monies to flow into the IMF was evidenced on Feb. 12 this year when a group of high-profile IMF supporters took out full-page ads in the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Capitol Hill newspaper Roll Call. The ad urged members of Congress to approve the giving of $18 billion to the IMF and also called for the U.S. to pay its "dues" to the United Nations.

This group of more than 150 supporters included former presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford; former secretaries of state Alexander Haig and Warren Christopher; former treasury secretaries Douglas Dillon, Henry Fowler, Michael Blumenthal and Lloyd Bentsen - and (surprise, surprise) Henry Kissinger.