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The Black Book of Communism
NoKerry.net ^ | 1999 | Stephane Courtis

Posted on 10/25/2004 1:15:11 PM PDT by Tailgunner Joe

In The Red Terror in Russia, published in Berlin in 1924, the Russian historian and socialist Sergei Melgunov cited Martin Latsis, one of the first leaders of the Cheka (the Soviet political police), as giving the following order on 1 November 1918 to his henchmen: "We don't make war against any people in particular. We are exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class. In your investigations don't look for documents and pieces of evidence about what the defendant has done, whether in deed or in speaking or acting against Soviet authority. The first question you should ask him is what class he comes from, what are his roots, his education, his training, and his occupation."

Lenin and his comrades initially found themselves embroiled in a merciless "class war," in which political and ideological adversaries, as well as the more recalcitrant members of the general public, were branded as enemies and marked for destruction. The Bolsheviks had decided to eliminate, by legal and physical means, any challenge or resistance, even if passive, to their absolute power. This strategy applied not only to groups with opposing political views, but also to such social groups as the nobility, the middle class, the intelligentsia, and the clergy, as well as professional groups such as military officers and the police. Sometimes the Bolsheviks subjected these people to genocide. The policy of "de-Cossackization" begun in 1920 corresponds largely to our definition of genocide: a population group firmly established in a particular territory, the Cossacks as such were exterminated, the men shot, the women, children, and the elderly deported, and the villages razed or handed over to new, non-Cossack occupants. Lenin compared the Cossacks to the Vendee during the French Revolution and gladly subjected them to a program of what Gracchus Babeuf, the "inventor" of modern Communism, characterized in 1795 as "populicide."

The "dekulakization" of 1930-1932 repeated the policy of "de-Cossackization" but on a much grander scale. Its primary objective, in accordance with the official order issued for this operation (and the regime's propaganda), was "to exterminate the kulaks as a class." The kulaks who resisted collectivization were shot, and the others were deported with their wives, children, and elderly family members. Although not all kulaks were exterminated directly, sentences of forced labor in wilderness areas of Siberia or the far north left them with scant chance of survival. Several tens of thousands perished there; the exact number of victims remains unknown. As for the great famine in Ukraine in 1932-33, which resulted from the rural population's resistance to forced collectivization, 6 million died in a period of several months.

Here, the genocide of a "class" may well be tantamount to the genocide of a "race"--the deliberate starvation of a child of a Ukrainian kulak as a result of the famine caused by Stalin's regime "is equal to" the starvation of a Jewish child in the Warsaw ghetto as a result of the famine caused by the Nazi regime. Such arguments in no way detract from the unique nature of Auschwitz--the mobilization of leading-edge technological resources and their use in an "industrial process" involving the construction of an "extermination factory," the use of gas, and cremation. However, this argument highlights one particular feature of many Communist regimes--their systematic use of famine as a weapon. The regime aimed to control the total available food supply and, with immense ingenuity, to distribute food purely on the basis of "merits" and "demerits" earned by individuals. This policy was a recipe for creating famine on a massive scale. Remember that in the period after 1918, only Communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to be Marxist-Leninist, Ethiopia and Mozambique, were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines.

A preliminary global accounting of the crimes committed by Communist regimes shows the following: The execution of tens of thousands of hostages and prisoners without trial, and the murder of hundreds of thousands or rebellious workers and peasants from 1918 to 1922; The famine of 1922, which caused the deaths of 5 million people; The extermination and deportation of the Don Cossacks in 1920; The murder of tens of thousands in concentration camps from 1918 to 1930; The liquidation of almost 690,000 people in the Great Purge of 1937-38; The deportation of 2 million kulaks (and so-called kulaks) in 1930-1932; The destruction of 4 million Ukrainians and 2 million others by means of an artificial and systematically perpetuated famine in 1932-33; The deportation of hundreds of thousands of Poles, Ukrainians, Balts, Moldovans, and Bessarabians from 1939 to 1941, and again in 1944-45; The deportation of the Volga Germans in 1941; The wholesale deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1943; The wholesale deportation of the Chechens in 1944; The wholesale deportation of the Ingush in 1944; The deportation and extermination of the urban population in Cambodia from 1975 to 1978; The slow destruction of the Tibetans by the Chinese since 1950.

No list of the crimes committed in the name of Leninism and Stalinism would be complete without mentioning the virtually identical crimes committed by the regimes of Mao Zedong, Kim Il Sung, and Pol Pot.


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To: Tailgunner Joe
My Grandparents escaped this crap in the late twenties.

They took their memories to the grave with them and never spoke of it, or their native language again.

41 posted on 10/25/2004 6:40:54 PM PDT by Cold Heat (http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/staticpages/index.php?page=20040531140357545)
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To: Bernard Marx
Bush has his flaws, but with Justice Rehnquist ill and Supreme Court appointments coming up there's absolutely no other choice.

Surely you jest!:-)

I hope he corrects a few things in his second term, like the bloated budget. He has said he would do his best to limit govt. growth in non-military spending to 3% and I will hold him to it.

42 posted on 10/25/2004 6:45:08 PM PDT by Cold Heat (http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/staticpages/index.php?page=20040531140357545)
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To: Tailgunner Joe

"Lenin compared the Cossacks to the Vendee during the French Revolution ...."



JFKerry's campaign has the "French Revolution" sound to it.


43 posted on 10/25/2004 6:46:09 PM PDT by Just mythoughts
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To: Cold Heat

Being a Californian I have daily reminders of his failure in illegal immigration as well the budget. But then I think of the alternative... But I was surprised a few days ago at the Free Republic poll showing some 10% of Freepers (if I remember correctly) was voting for someone other than Bush. That was a shock.


44 posted on 10/25/2004 8:43:42 PM PDT by Bernard Marx (Don't make the mistake of interpreting my Civility as Servility)
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To: Bernard Marx
Yeah, the single issue unappeasable and diehard libertines.
45 posted on 10/25/2004 9:20:56 PM PDT by Cold Heat (http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/staticpages/index.php?page=20040531140357545)
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To: Capitalism2003; Argus
I read Gulag Archipelago a few months ago and was pleasantly surprised at how well written it was. Solzhenitsyn has an excellent dry wit. He's as Russian as Russian can be, finding humor in the darkest of situations. You can really see how a film like Brazil owes a tip of the hat to him.
46 posted on 10/25/2004 9:30:25 PM PDT by Yardstick
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To: All
When the individual can be forcibly sacrificed to the collective, such as what now exists in this country, nothing but death and destruction await..
47 posted on 10/25/2004 9:45:59 PM PDT by Ferris (Man must soon come to grips with the power of his own consciousness)
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To: Just mythoughts
Throughout the nineteenth century, theories about revolutionary violence were dominated by the founding experience of the French Revolution. In 1793-94 the French Revolution went through a period of extreme violence that took three distinct forms. The most savage were the "September massacres," during which 1,000 people were spontaneously killed by rioters in Paris, with no intervention by the government, and no instructions from any party. The best-known form of violence was carried out by revolutionary tribunals, surveillance committees, and the guillotine, accounting for the death of 2,625 people in Paris and 16,600 in the provinces. Long hidden was the terror practiced by the "infernal columns" of the Republic, whose task was to put down the insurrection in the Vendee, and who killed tens of thousands of innocent and unarmed people in that region. But these months of terror, bloody though they were, were only one episode in the long history of the country's revolution, which ultimately resulted in the creation of a democratic republic with a constitution, an elected assembly, and genuine political debate. As soon as the Convention regained its courage, Robespierre was deposed and the terror ceased.

Francois Furet has demonstrated how a particular idea of revolution was then born. This concept was inseparable from extreme actions: "The Terror was government by fear, which Robespierre theorized as government by virtue. Invented to destroy the aristocracy, it soon became the means to dispose of the wicked and to combat crime. It became an integral part of revolution and appeared to be the only means of forming the future citizens of the republic. . . . If the republic of free citizens was not yet a possibility, it must be because certain individuals, corrupted by their past history, were not yet pure enough. Terror became the means by which revolution, the history yet to be created, would forge the new human beings of the future."

In several respects, the Terror prefigured a number of Bolshevik practices. The Jacobin faction's clever manipulation of social tensions, and its political and ideological extremism, were later echoed by the Bolsheviks. Also, for the first time an attempt was made in France to eliminate a particular section of the peasantry. Robespierre laid the first stones on the road that spurred Lenin to terror. As the French revolutionary declared to the Convention during the vote on the Prairial Laws: "To punish the enemies of the fatherland, we must find out who they are: but we do not want to punish them; we want to destroy them." - LINK


48 posted on 10/25/2004 10:06:37 PM PDT by Tailgunner Joe
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To: Tailgunner Joe

49 posted on 10/26/2004 12:36:58 AM PDT by beckett
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To: Tailgunner Joe

BUMP and thanks...


50 posted on 10/26/2004 5:25:59 AM PDT by Just mythoughts
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To: Tailgunner Joe

bump


51 posted on 10/26/2004 5:28:40 AM PDT by foreverfree
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To: Yardstick

You're right. Those who don't read him are missing the great mordant humorist in Solzhenitsyn, not just in Gulag but the novels like First Circle as well. He's a worthy successor to Gogol on that score.


52 posted on 10/26/2004 12:31:24 PM PDT by Argus
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To: Argus
Yeah, I was expecting Gulag to be a dismal slog, and it was, but somehow Solzhenitzyn makes it a thoroughly charming dismal slog. I never would have guessed that. My impression was that Gulag was mainly a historical document, but I saw that it's also a superb piece of literature. That's why it'd make good assigned reading for highschool students. It sort of kills two birds with one stone.
53 posted on 10/26/2004 4:24:21 PM PDT by Yardstick
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