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"Of all the planks in the Chicago platform, the only one that elicited any thing like enthusiasm in the Convention was the protection one, and that did elicit it to an extent never exceeded on any occasion. Of all the measures now before the Senate, that, however, is the one that seems to have the greatest ardent friends -- the Pacific Railroad bill & the Homestead bill, the tendencies of which, as regards increase of wealth or strength, are directly the opposites of protection, being likely to become laws, while the Tariff bill goes over to another session. Nevertheless, the success of your administration is wholly dependant upon the passage of the Morrill bill at the present session. With it, the people will be relieved -- your term will commence with a rising wave of prosperity -- the treasury will be filled -- and the party that elected you will be increased and strengthened. Without it, there will be much suffering among the people -- much dissatisfaction with their duties -- much borrowing on the part of the Government -- & very much trouble among the republican party when the people shall come to vote two years hence. There is but one way to make the party a permanent one, & that is, by the prompt repudiation to the free trade system." - Henry C. Carey, noted anti-trade political economist, letter to Abraham Lincoln, January 2, 1861 (emphasis added)

...and you said it was a revenue measure to "pay for the war." Yeah. Sure.

"Of all the planks in the Chicago platform, the only one that elicited any thing like enthusiasm in the Convention was the protection one, and that did elicit it to an extent never exceeded on any occasion...

Tariffs played no sifnificant part in the coming of the war.

"What, then, is necessary to be done? The Northern States must strike from their statute books their personal liberty bills, and fulfill their consitutional obligations in regard to fugitive slaves and fugitives from justice. If our slaves escape into non-slaveholding states, they must be delivered up; if abandoned, depraved, and desperately wicked men come into slave States to excite insurrections, or to commit other crimes against our laws, and escape into free States, they must be given up for trial and punishment, when lawfully demanded by the constituted authorities of those States whose laws have been violated.

Second --- We must have proper and effective guarantees for the protection of slavery in the district of Columbia. We can never consent to the abolition of slavery in the district, until Maryland shall emancipate her slaves; and not then, unless it shall be demanded by the citizens of the district.

Third --- Our equality in the States and Territories must be fully recognized, and our rights of person and property adequately protected and accured. We must have guarantees that slavery shall not be interdicted in any Territory now belonging to, or which hereafter may be acquired by, the general government; either by the Congress of the United States or by the Territorial Legislature: that we shall be permitted to pass through the free States and Territories without molestation, and if a slave shall be abducted, that the State in which he or she shall be lost, shall pay the full value of such slave to the owner.

Fourth --- Like guarantees must be given, that the transmission of slaves between the slaveholding States, either by land or water, shall not be interfered with.

Fifth --- The passage and enforcement of rigid laws for the punishment of such persons in the free States as shall organize, or aid and abet in organizing, either by the contribution of money, arms, munitions of war, or in any other mode whatsoever, companies of men, with a view to assail the slaveholding States, and to excite slaves to insurrection.

Sixth --- That the general government shall be deprived of the power of appointing to local offices in the slaveholding States, persons who are hostile to their institutions, or inimical to their rights -- the object being to prevent the appointing power from using patronage to sow the seeds of strife and disunion between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding classes in the Southern States.

These guarantees can be given without prejudice to the honor or rights, and without a sacrifice of the interest, of either of the non-slaveholding states. We ask nothing, therefore, which is not clearly right and necessary for our protection: And surely, when so much is at stake, it will be freely, cheerfully and promptly assented to. It is the interest of the North and South to preserve the Government from destruction, and they should omit the use of no proper or honorable means to avert so great a calamity. The public safety and welfare demand instant action."

--John Letcher, January, 1861 speech to Virginia Legislature

There's not a word about tariffs there.

Walt