Baghdad Vertigo

Each morning, without a warning phone call, Abu-Mohamed knocks on my door at Al-Mansour Hotel in downtown Baghdad. He always asks the same question: "Are you still asleep?" And every time I respond: "Yes", after which he promptly enters the room.

I have become accustomed to this intrusion in which he throws open the curtains to the terrace, and pulls up a chair near the balcony, ordering two cups of "Mokhadar" (sedating) Iraqi tea. While I struggle to force my eyelids open, Abu- Mohamed gulps down his tea sweetened with an indecent amount of sugar.

Abu-Mohamed is the escort the Iraqi Ministry of Information appointed to chaperone me during my stay in Baghdad. He is in the habit of collecting the originals of my daily dispatches that I send by fax to Cairo -- a routine with which I comply. Abu-Mohamed is a civil servant who is carrying out the orders of his ministry. The general atmosphere in the country discouraged me from attempting to be adventurous, since the news made available was already approved by the Iraqi government and posted on the bulletin board of the Information Ministry's press centre on a daily basis. Other news is available from the official Iraqi news agency or from state-owned radio and television.

By car belonging to the state, Abu- Mohamed and I head to our daily appointments. Our first visit is to the Saddam Central Hospital and Medical School for Pediatrics where Dr Mohamed Dahham takes us to a ward for children and infants suffering from cancer. "On average, we admit at least two cases every week," explained Dr Dahham, "Before 1991, there were one to three cases every couple of months. The incidence of cancer among children has multiplied seven-fold since 1991, owing to the depleted uranium that the US and Britain had dropped. Most cases are children from the south, particularly from Basra."

Dr Dahham narrated at length their ailments and prognoses, as my heart ached at the sight of the children and infants whose lives were cut so short. Overcome with emotion, even after departing from the hospital, I returned to my hotel, where I found yet another car waiting for me that had been sent by a senior government official. The driver took me to a palatial building of the type described in the tales of A Thousand and One Nights. There, an elaborately laid table covered in gastronomic delights awaited me.

In the hospital, I had witnessed the handiwork of economic sanctions; Dr Dahham explained that the US, Britain and the UN sanctions committee prohibit medical supplies for the children. At the official's palace sanctions seemed to evaporate into thin air. It wasn't just the food and the lavish interior that were a world apart, but the lengthy overseas telephone conversations made by the owner of the house from which I deduced he was a businessman. The side of the conversation to which I was privy revolved around oil exploration deals, and arranging meetings with top officials in Baghdad. Later I discovered the "deputy" mentioned during the conversation was none other than Taha Yassin Ramadan, vice-president to Saddam Hussein and minister of trade and oil. I also overheard discussions about commissions that were to be agreed on later and that the anonymous person at the other end would arrive with his entourage on a flight conveying several international public figures who were to visit Iraq "in solidarity" with the country's people.

I excused myself for not eating because of a sudden stomach ache, and made my way back to the hotel in a state of shock. At that point I started to become acutely aware of the contradictions in this country whose citizens suffer daily, while the ruling elite bask in luxury. They are a minority beyond the reach of sanctions and are, in fact, becoming richer and stronger as result, while preaching to the downtrodden majority that their poverty and suffering is caused by the sanctions imposed by the international community.

THE FAMILY: For a journalist who just arrived in the Iraqi capital, the interruption of the regular television broadcast by a "news flash" could only mean one thing. War is on its way. But a reporter who had spent several slow weeks in Baghdad would know better. The appearance of "news flash" on the screen is followed by a picture of a bright flower arrangement, then footage of President Saddam Hussein surrounded by "his sons, brothers, compatriots, the nation's fortress and protectors". Such flashes have appeared every two or three days over the past few weeks, treating viewers to footage of Saddam with the Republican Guard, which is headed by his younger son Qussay Saddam Hussein; Saddam with the "Army of Jerusalem"; Saddam and the Feda'yee Saddam (Saddam's Fighters), who are led by his oldest son Uday Saddam Hussein; Saddam with his cabinet; Saddam with junior officers, and so on.

When Saddam is shown with people to whom he is close -- the Republican Guard and Feda'yee Saddam -- we see him at the one end of a large oval hall. With his cabinet, he presides at the head of a long table. In the company of junior officers, Saddam sits at a desk with the Iraqi flag to his right, and behind him an officer appears and disappears for no apparent reason. Between his fingers Saddam brandishes a thick cigar, which at times is lit, appearing considerably shorter in the subsequent shot, inadvertently pointing to the heavy editing done to the footage.

Before the broadcast of these "encounters", a heavily-mustachioed anchor wearing thick glasses speaks in a militaristic tone as he delivers a lengthy monologue full of adulation at the end of which he recounts the names of the figures that Saddam met during the events to be broadcast. The president's name is typically accompanied by the phrase "May God protect him". At all the gatherings Saddam presides over, each guest introduces himself, to which the president responds "Yes" in a deep, authoritative voice. The speaker begins, usually with a verse from the Qur'an to which Saddam promptly responds with the appropriate words, before offering the president greetings from his people, clan or soldiers. In return the president says: "Send my greetings to them," after which the speaker begins to relay how well-trained his subordinates are. Saddam's voice booms: "Affya" [Power to you].

News flashes contain many dictums by the president on a wide range of topics. He speaks about the military, history, morality and matters of appropriate conduct and punctuality.

THE LEADER'S WORD: On Monday, 3 February, the Iraqi news agency issued an article from which the following is taken. "World opposition escalates in the face of two American aggressions... The inspection teams continue their operations... The leader president receives the Arab thinker Mo'an 'Ashour for an intellectual discussion focussing on political issues and national positions on the official and popular fronts. They also discussed the role expected of the Arab masses in upholding and defending Arab rights -- at the forefront of which is the Palestinian cause -- and the aggression that the American administration is threatening against Iraq, the land of struggle, the fortress of the Arabs and Islam, and its civilisation."

On Tuesday, 4 February, such topics took a distant second to coverage of the meeting by the "freedom fighter leader" with members of the "Army of Jerusalem". The official Iraqi news agency covered the meeting extensively, and it was broadcast simultaneously on Monday evening by state-owned television, radio, the youth television and radio channels that are supervised by Uday Saddam Hussein.

Larger-than-life posters, statues and murals of President Saddam depicting him wearing his famous felt hat and brandishing a rifle are ubiquitous in Baghdad. If by chance none of these are visible for a moment or two, one is bound to find his "teachings" written in bold letters on a government building.

The leader's name crops up continually in conjunction with the observance of religious duties. After every call to prayer, the state-owned broadcast media and the youth channels air a large text of Prophet Mohamed's sayings, which is immediately followed by the recitation of a long prayer for the Iraqi leader by an announcer with a resounding voice. Saddam's imprint is everywhere. He is the source of knowledge in all its fields; he is Iraq and Iraq is him.

AL-USTAZ, SON OF HIS FATHER: When the word Al-Ustaz, which means master, is mentioned in Baghdad, it refers only to one person, namely, Uday Saddam Hussein. The president's son, and a carbon copy. His presence is palpable, although he is seldom seen. Uday has a pronounced limp owing to the injury of his left leg in a failed assassination attempt. The junior Hussein controls several aspects of Iraqi life. He is the head of the Press Syndicate, the chairman of the youth radio and television channels, the head of the daily newspaper Babel and several other minor youth and sports publications, as well as chair of the Olympic Committee. Uday wields considerable destructive force as the head of Feda'yee Saddam, which comprises some 5,000 members carefully chosen from among orphans and perpetrators of violent crimes. This organisation has a mandate to control the capital's streets -- considered extremely important, particularly once US attacks begin. Soldiers in this organisation are mandated to shoot anyone who disobeys the anticipated curfew.

Most of the commodities found on the Iraqi market are smuggled by Uday, and any Iraqi, Arab or foreign businessmen have to go through him if they want a piece of the market. Anyone who circumvents Al-Ustaz is punished -- even if they happen to be the son of Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Aziz.

Demonstrations by journalists in Baghdad protesting the war are launched by direct orders from Al-Ustaz ; their travel plans must be approved by him; and they receive directives for their programming and articles from him.

The tales of Al-Ustaz are many and horrifying. His former top aide, Adeeb Shaaban, had been a photographer of average skills who won the favour of Al- Ustaz through flattery. In this way, Shaaban secured his ascent to the chairmanship of the Arab Association of Photographers and became a figure of fear in his own right. Just a few months ago, though, Shaaban seemed to fall from favour. He travelled to Beirut on a special assignment, only to stay there long past his scheduled return. Speculation that he had fled was rife, even though he repeatedly sent word saying he would return when he completed Al-Ustaz's mission.

Finally, Shaaban returned to Baghdad with the cover of Syrian guarantees for his life. He was visited at his home by an Indian female journalist working for a United Arab Emirates English- language newspaper. On 5 March, he was arrested and disappeared. I had met one of Al-Ustaz's close friends who told me that Shaaban would probably be killed.

EXPULSION FROM BAGHDAD : I searched for Ali for a long time, after not having heard from him for an entire week. After much effort, I was advised not to look for him any longer. "Ali and his family were expelled from Baghdad," someone whispered in my ear. Information about the recent expulsion of several Shi'ite families from Baghdad was not long in coming. The families had been sent to the southern towns of Najaf, Karbala and Basra to preempt a revolt in Baghdad, where they make up 50 per cent of the capital's population. I also heard that they were prohibited from entering Baghdad, and that the government issued a decree preventing residents from the provinces from going to the city unless they were granted a hard- to-obtain security permit.

Zekrayat had plenty of time to inform me that she and her family would be leaving Baghdad because their current home is close to the presidential palace, several Republican Guard and other security units that US and British forces are sure to bomb. She said that the proximity of her home to these dangerous buildings would have exposed her to certain death.

Nearly 30 per cent of those living in the vicinity of presidential palaces, Republic Guard and security units have left their homes headed for other dwellings in Baghdad or to the provinces.

Ali was expelled and Zekrayat left willingly, but they are connected in many ways. Zekrayat often criticised the Shi'ites, saying that they were always trying to differentiate themselves from the Sunnis. The Shi'ite call for prayer comes five minutes after the Sunni prayer; if Sunnis celebrate Eid (Bairam) on a Tuesday, the Shi'ite celebrate it on Wednesday. Such sentiments attest to Zekrayat's fears of a Shi'ite-controlled Iraq in the future.

CIVILIAN UNEASE: While Ali lived in abject poverty and in a constant state of fear, he was wealthy in knowledge. After Eid Al-Adha (Greater Bairam) he was shocked when I wished him well on the occasion of the holy Shi'ite festival of "Al-Ghadir". He was stunned that I was aware of the festival and had wished him well in the way one of his co-religionists would on the occasion. At first he seemed apprehensive about being around me, but I grew on him over time.

Ali took me to the Mosque of Imam Moussa Qazem in Baghdad, but I was unable to enter because of the huge crowd gathered there. Zekrayat took me to the Mosque of Imam Abu-Hanifa, where there were hardly any worshippers. Before Zekrayat told me of her plans to leave the city, I was recounting to her impressions of my visits to the two mosques. "Why is Saddam building these grand mosques in Baghdad?" she asked. "Maybe you don't know, and neither do I. He boasts of them abroad, but others believe he is hiding weapons beneath them. Why are you building these huge mosques in the midst of a people who do not even have bread?"

I asked Ali -- after I gained his trust and we became friends -- "what will the position of the Iraqi people be if the Americans come here?" Ali responded: "Will the Americans come here to do the same as they did in Japan and Germany in 1945, causing those countries to become what they are today? Or will the Americans come, as they did in 1991 and 1998 to carry out attacks here and there after which Saddam proclaims victory, and then that he is resisting an unjust siege, while continuing to crush us as he did in the past? I know there are no answers to these questions. I also know that if you asked anyone here, and if he is able to talk to you without fear, it is certain that they will tell you: May Satan come here to deliver us. They have oppressed us with humiliation, poverty and slavery; we want a solution of any kind."

Some Iraqis, though, are planning to move further afield than either Ali or Zekrayat. In the past few days, the Iraqi government has been issuing some 30,000 passports daily. At the same time, the government has placed stringent restrictions on travel.

The people of Baghdad are currently suffering from contradictory government decrees. Feda'yee Saddam is planning to impose a curfew that would keep people at home. Those who disobey expose themselves to immediate death. Meanwhile, the Ba'ath Party has told civil servants that they must continue to go to work -- even in the event of war. Baghdad seems largely empty other than the members of Feda'yee Saddam and a special unit of the Republican Guard led by Qussay Saddam Hussein who are patrolling the streets.

Along the banks of the Tigris River, the trenches that have been dug for tanks are clearly visible, as are the automatic and anti-aircraft rifles positioned atop government buildings. On the streets are crude trenches fortified by sand bags. The Iraqi government dismantled newly- erected power plants and reassembled old ones, in the hopes of reconstructing the new ones after the war. Although Iraqis will be unable to communicate with the outside world once the American attacks begin, the Iraqi government has imported many satellite Thuraya phones -- at a cost of $5,000 a piece -- which it distributed among top military, security and Ba'ath Party officials to secure communication among themselves.

Saddam believes his battle will be in Baghdad, and that he will remain there regardless. He trusts only his sons Uday and Qussay, charging them with the responsibility of defence for the capital and its environs.

BA'ATHIST MEMBERSHIP: The Ba'ath is not a party of equals. There are masters and there are slaves; an elite clique of top comrades is in control, while the lower levels are made up of the oppressed and deprived who view membership as a chance for a job or at the very least, as a means of survival. The party is rife with social parasites who abuse their power and oppress the people by any means at their disposal. The Ba'athist apparatus is currently active in forcing people throughout the country to join the ranks of the Army of Jerusalem and it has given particular attention to enlisting people from the major clans and tribes, whether through bribery or intimidation.

Conscripts all undergo intense indoctrination in the Ba'ath ideology, as well as military training in the use of various types of light and medium weapons, jungle and urban warfare, and general fitness. Ba'athists are trained in combat skills, use of automatic machine guns as well as defending rural and urban areas.

Many in Baghdad expect Army of Jerusalem units to fall immediately after the first US attack, and that the only people of the Ba'ath militia to remain will be those who are closely connected to Saddam and his family.

TRAINING AND MASSACRES: Over the past few days, Iraqi authorities have forced large numbers of Arab and foreign journalists to leave Iraq, and those remaining have been confined to the press centre, located in the downtown building housing the Iraqi Ministry of Information. Some in Baghdad believe that these measures are to cover-up massacres that special units of the Republican Guard and Feda'yee Saddam are preparing for in the event that there is even the slightest hint of revolt. Shi'ite areas in Baghdad are under siege and several arrests have been made against those of the sect residing in the capital. In Baghdad, we also hear of foreign nationals, including people from other Arab countries, attending special training camps under the supervision of Iraqi intelligence and Uday Saddam Hussein himself. These people are said to be entering Iraq from several points along the border and also of making use of aeroplanes owned by well-connected Iraqis. It was also rumoured that some take up positions outside of Iraq after completing their training.

Information about the training camps was only rumour until 3 March when Iraqi television surprised us with confirmation of their existence. A daily programme, Homat Al-Watan (The Defenders of the Homeland), produced by the Armed Forces, which broadcasts footage of routine training by the Iraqi Army and songs singing the praises of Saddam Hussein, had something more that day.

The programme began as usual, when footage of a man with a long, thick beard wearing a red kuffiya wrapped around a bright white turban, and sporting a military jacket over regular trousers came on. As he brandished an anti-tank bazooka, the man proclaimed to his comrades that he was at the front-line south of Basra, and was one of a group of volunteers from Egypt, Syria and Lebanon who had come to fight for Iraq and its leader. He cheered (in praise of Saddam): "Oh pride of Islam, God and the nation are with you!"

A few days later, the Iraqi Ministry of Information permitted a number of satellite stations to film and conduct interviews at a training camp in eastern Baghdad where such volunteers are found. Interviews mentioned possible attacks against several targets around the world once the US hits Baghdad.

DEPORTATION: Once again Abu- Mohamed invaded my room at Al- Mansour Hotel -- a routine I had surrendered myself to. By his first words, though, I realised it would be the last such invasion and my final surrender. Abu-Mohamed told me, "You must leave Iraq. You are not allowed to stay any longer. Your permit will not be renewed. Dress and we will go to book your flight home."

At the airline office, I booked the first flight to Amman, and Abu-Mohamed accompanied me to the airport to ensure that I boarded the plane.

On leaving Iraq, headed for Jordan, I experienced a sudden feeling of disorientation as it dawned on me that I was actually departing from a deep tunnel in history and returning to normal life.

Baghdad seems largely empty other than the members of Feda'yee Saddam and a special unit of the Republican Guard led by Qussay Saddam Hussein who are patrolling the streets.

Which could explain the very low number of casualties... much of the population has either been ordered to leave or provided passports to leave. Could also explain why there are so few refugees. I wonder if the military has moved into the private homes of those ordered to leave.

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