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This is spurious quote created by Benjamin Butler, a known and notorious liar.

I didn't know that, I'll take your word for it and won't use it anymore. Why would General Butler make that up? The other colonization quotes are correct, though, and there are many more I did not include.

Racial equality and integration of White and Black as equals weren't considered real options in 19th century America. For at least about 35 years, Americans have accepted the equality of Black and White as a matter of course. That wasn't the case for 19th century Americans. It was something that had to be proven to them, and even then few would accept it.

Agreed. 100 percent.

For Lincoln, the participation of Blacks in fighting units was this sort of eye-opening experience. How far he would have gone in the direction of equality is a matter of contention, but most Americans either didn't have such an eye-opener, or rejected equality nevertheless.

Here we differ. I know there are a number of historians that claim that's what Lincoln was doing, and provide quotes where they say that's what he "meant", but I just don't see that in his words. What I see is a man desperate to win a war, both by subverting the enemies' labor resources and by strengthening his own troops. Even as a draft of the EP sat on his desk he wrote to Horace Greeley:

"My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and it is not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union."

Lincoln's use of black troops and the EP were just tools in winning the war, as far as I can tell. If you know of quotes that clearly state otherwise, please post them. I have seen quotes dealing with their acceptance as soldiers by others, but there was nothing in those quotes that escaped those boundaries. There is the reference that blacks should have rights and the freedom to excercise them, but he said the exact same thing when he would advocate colonization and that the two races were not equal and should be seperated. He stated that separation was the only way that blacks could achieve true liberty and excercise those rights. Otherwise, he believed, they would be dominated by 'superior' whites. His belief they should be able to excercise those rights in that manner was a basis of his opposition to slavery. It had always gone hand in hand with colonization. Harsh by today's standards, but not by the standards of the day. Historical context is everything.

David Donald, Lincoln's biographer notes that Lincoln was never in favor of forced colonization. It was, rather, something that he thought African-Americans would embrace if it were properly explained to them. When they didn't, and chose instead to stay and fight for their freedom, Lincoln had to reassess his convictions and assumptions.

He did support voluntary colonization, but it certainly seemed to be his intention to talk as many as possible into it. As to the second point, I know many historians assert that, but I haven't seen any real proof, but I will admit I am not a Lincoln biographer or expert. I don't doubt that he was willing to accept some as full citizens in the end, the ones for whom he advocated the possibility of voting rights a few days before his assassination. But for the masses of ex-slaves, I've never seen where he had let go of his earlier thoughts. If he was going to make distinctions in which ones were granted such rights, what was his intent for the rest? It was the radical republicans that pushed through the citizenship and voting rights for all blacks. Although certainly at least a moderate by the days standards, Lincoln was seen as an "arch-conservative" and a hindrance to black advancement by the radicals, who eventually took over the party and pushed through their program regarding black rights and citizenship. Don't misunderstand me, I've stated many times on other threads I don't consider Lincoln evil for his race views, they actually were quite decent by the standards of the day. My beef is with those historians who attempt to grant Lincoln the race views and ambitions of the radicals (or more), which he just did not have.

Donald also notes that for all practical purposes, government support of colonization schemes withered after 1863. Montgomery Blair, the Postmaster General, was an ardent proponent of colonization, but no real resources or effort were devoted to the plan after the Emancipation Proclamation.

During 1864, the radicals had solidified their influence, and opposed colonization efforts, the primary reason congressional fund allocations stopped ($600,000 had been set aside for 1863 IIRC). There were still many republicans and democrats who preferred it, but not enough to get resolutions past the radical's voting blocks. Lincoln had repeatedly stated during the first years of the war that colonization was his goal, and he even advocated a constitutional amendment for that purpose before congress in December 1862, right before finalizing the EP. Most people don't know it, but the EP itself was tied to colonization. We all read the "final" draft of 1-1-63, but what is lost on most people is the first sentence: "Whereas, on the twentysecond day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:" - He then goes on to repeat the war measure to be inflicted on the Southern states that had not surrendered by the deadline stated in the first release, that deadline being the date of the "final" proclamation when he actually puts it into effect. The two documents are really connected more than historians wish to admit. One of the "other things" included in the september proclamation were statements of purpose, one of which was this: "...and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there elsewhere, will be continued." I have seen at least one quote where Lincoln later references this part of his proclamation, but unfortunately I couldn't find it tonight.

If you know of quotes given later that clearly show his abandonment of his support for colonization, I would appreciate seeing them. I'm no expert on Lincoln and will be the first to admit it, so don't think I'm saying they don't exist. The other poster has provided many quotes, but he often ascribes to their words meanings which are either contradicted within the same quote, or are stretched beyond plausability. History is a recreation with me, and I am always willing to learn.

I didn't know that, I'll take your word for it and won't use it anymore.

A lie?

Carl Shurz, in an essay contained in The Writings of Abraham Lincoln: Volume One, writes that on "every available occasion, he pronounced himself in favor of the deportation and colonization of the blacks, of course with their consent. He repeatedly disavowed any wish on his part to have social and political equality established between whites and blacks. ... It is characteristic that he continued to adhere to the impracticable colonization plan even after the Emancipation Proclamation had already been issued."

Why would General Butler make that up?

You answered your own question - why would Butler make up such a quote? Lincoln had attempted in late 1864 to retain Commissioner of Emigration Rev. James Mitchell, receiving a response from Attorney-General Edward Bates on 30 Nov 1864, stating that Lincoln had "the same right to continue Mr. Mitchell that you had to appoint him originally." Rev. Mitchell also corresponded with Lincoln on 2 Sep 1864, noting that Secretary of Interior Usher seemed to be the problem, and the letter was endorsed by Lincoln.

Regarding Butler being "a known and notorious liar", Lincoln had previusly asked Butler to become his running mate in the 1864 elections, which Butler declined. This incident is also in Butler's Book, as is the colonization quote you cited. Some posters allege that Lincoln never met with Butler in 1865, but in January Lincoln issued a telegram summoning Butler to Washington - do you honestly think he failed to attend?

Lincoln's views on rewarding the blacks for their service in April 1865. Full text - no exclusions, additions in brackets below are mine for clarification:

A conversation was held between us after the negotiations had failed at Hampton Roads [3 Feb 1865], and in the course of the conversation he [Lincoln] said to me:--

But what shall we do with the negroes after they are free? I can hardly believe that the South and North can live in peace, unless we can get rid of the negroes. Certainly they cannot if we don't get rid of the negroes whom we have armed and disciplined and who have fought with us, to the amount, I believe, of some one hundred and fifty thousand men. I believe that it would be better to export them all to some fertile country with a good climate, which they could have to themselves. You have been a stanch friend of the race from the time you first advised me to enlist them at New Orleans. You have had a good deal of experience in moving bodies of men by water,--your movement up the James was a magnificent one. Now, we shall have no use for our very large navy; what, then, are our difficulties in sending all the blacks away? If these black soldiers of ours go back to the South I am afraid that they will be but little better off with their masters than they were before, and yet they will be free men. I fear a race war, and it will be at least a guerilla war because we have taught these men how to fight. All the arms of the South are now in the hands of their troops, and when we capture them we of course will take their arms. There are plenty of men in the North who will furnish the negroes with arms if there is any oppression of them by their late masters. I wish you would carefully examine the question and give me your views upon it and go into the figures, as you did before in some degree, so as to show whether the negroes can be exported. I wish also you would give me any views that you have as to how to deal with the negro troops after the war. Some people think that we shall have trouble with our white troops after they are disbanded, but I don't anticipate anything of that sort, for all the intelligent men among them were good citizens or they would not have been good soldiers. But the question of the colored troops troubles me exceedingly. I wish you would do this as soon as you can, because I am to go down to City Point shortly and may meet negotiators for peace there, and I may want to talk this matter over with General Grant if he isn't too busy.
I said: I will go over this matter with all diligence and tell you my conclusions as soon as I can. The second day after that, I called early in the morning and said: Mr. President, I have gone very carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to export the negroes of the South, and I assure you that using all your naval vessels and all the merchant marine fit to cross the seas with safety, it will be impossible for you to transport them to the nearest place that can be found fit for them,--and that is the Island of San Domingo,--half as fast as negro children will be born here. I am afraid you are right, General, was his answer; but have you thought what we shall do with the negro soldiers? I said:
I have formulated a scheme which I will suggest to you, Mr. President. We have now enlisted one hundred and fifty thousand negro troops, more or less, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. They were enlisted for three years or for the war. We did not commence enlisting them in any numbers until the latter part of 1863 and in 1864. I assume that they have a year at least on an average to serve, and some of them two to three years. We have arms, equipment, clothing, and military material and everything necessary for three hundred thousand troops for five years. Until the war is declared ended by official proclamation, which cannot be done for some very considerable time, they can be ordered to serve wherever the commander-in-chief may direct. Now I have had some experience in digging canals. The reason why my canal, which was well dug, did not succeed you know. My experience during the war has shown me that the army organization is one of the very best for digging. Indeed, many of the troops have spent a large portion of their time in digging in forts and intrenchments, and especially the negroes, for they were always put into the work when possible. The United States wants a ship canal across the Isthmus of Darien at some proper and convenient point. Now, I know of a concession made by the United States of Colombia of a strip thirty miles wide across the Isthmus for that purpose. I have the confidence of the negroes. If you will put me in command of them, I will take them down there and dig the canal. It will cost the United States nothing but their pay, the clothing that they wear will be otherwise eaten by the moths, the arms are of no worth, as we have so many of them in excess; the wagons and equipments will otherwise rust out. I should set one third of them to digging. I should set another third to building the proper buildings for shelter and the rest to planting the ground and raising food. They will hardly need supplies from the government beyond the first season, having vegetable supplies which they will raise and which will be best for their health. After we get ourselves established we will petition Congress under your recommendation to send down to us our wives and children. You need not send down anybody to guard us, because if fifty thousand well-equipped men cannot take care of ourselves against anybody who would attack us in that neighborhood, we are not fit to go there. We shall thus form a colony there which will protect the canal and the interests of the United States against the world, and at least we shall protect the country from the guerilla warfare of the negro troops until the danger from it is over.
He reflected a while, having given the matter his serious attention, and then spoke up, using his favorite phrase: There is meat in that, General Butler; there is meat in that. But how will it affect our foreign relations? I want you to go and talk it over with Mr. Seward and get his objections, if he has any, and see how you can answer them. There is no special hurry about that, however. I will think it over, but nothing had better be said upon it which will get outside. Well, then, Mr. President, I said, I will take time to elaborate my proposition carefully in writing before I present it to Mr. Seward. I bowed and retired, and that was the last interview I ever had with Abraham Lincoln. Some days afterwards [6 April 1865] I called at Mr. Seward's office, reaching it, as near as I can remember, about two o'clock in the afternoon. He promptly and graciously received me, and I stated to him that I came to see him at the request of the President, to place before him a plan that I had given to the President for disposing of the negro troops. Ah, he [Seward] said, General, I should be very glad to hear it. I know Mr. Lincoln's anxiety upon that question, for he has expressed it to me often, and I see no answer to his trouble.

Benjamnin F. Butler, Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benj. F. Butler, Book Publishers, Boston, 1892, pp. 903-907

Lincoln was a politician, and repeatedly demonstrated it:

"In addition to all this we have shown that the Supreme Court---that tribunal which the Constitution has itself established to decide Constitutional questions---has solemnly decided that such a bank is constitutional."
Abraham Lincoln, "Speech on the Sub-Treasury", 26 Dec 1839, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Roy P. Basler ed., Vol. I, pp. 170-171.
"It affirms that, whatever the Supreme Court may decide as to the constitutional restriction on the power of a teritorial Legislature, in regard to slavery in the teritory, must be obeyed, and enforced by all the departments of the federal government."
Abraham Lincoln, "Fragment on the Dred Scott Case", Jan 1857, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Roy P. Basler ed., Vol. II, p. 387.

Despite those statements, his position was far from adhering to that 7-2 decision, as his entire campaign was based upon preserving a lily-white West, free from blacks.

The constitutional amendment that Lincoln proposed in December 1862 was to authorize gradual compensated emancipation. Voluntary resettlement of freedmen outside the US was part of that plan, and the some of the funds raised would go for that purpose, but the chief point was emancipation, not colonization. Colonization had long been regarded as linked to emancipation. It was felt to be the only way to get slaveholders and the general White population to tolerate the idea. As it became clear that slavery had essentially collapsed, and that there would be no compensated emancipation, interest in colonization waned. The strong sentiment of Blacks against emigration, and the achievements of Black troops in battle further weakened support for resettlement.

As you note, colonization had generally gone hand in hand with emancipation. But this wasn't a particular feature of Lincoln's mind. It certainly wasn't something unique to him. It was part of the political landscape of the era, at least outside small radical circles. The other option, more popular in the country as a whole, was no colonization and no emancipation.

And, indeed, if we look at the century after emancipation, we might take another look at the colonizers' idea that "separation was the only way that blacks could achieve true liberty and exercise those rights" and avoid domination and oppression by Whites. While the supporters of resettlement may have been morally wrong, were they so terribly wrong about the effects of emancipation or the willingness of Whites to accept Blacks as equals and respect their rights? Racial equality might have been something worth fighting for, but for a century it was an unpopular and a losing cause. Colonization may have been a heartless idea and a betrayal, but it also involved a shrewd and hard-headed assessment of what public opinion allowed.

Those who accepted slavery didn't have to say anything about colonization. Some of them said much about the inequality of the races and the impossibility of integration as equals. And they did have their own analogous ideas -- running off freed slaves and abolitionists, shipping Blacks as slaves to newly acquired territories. Colonization only became an issue if one accepted or promoted emancipation. I wouldn't want to be so determined and impassioned in attacking colonization that I made advocates and champions of slavery look good. Nor is there some process that inevitably determined that freedmen would be accepted as equals if they stayed here long enough. Certainly, for a century after emancipation such an inevitability was hard to see.

Lincoln played no great role in the colonization movement, but willingly or unwillingly, consciously or unconsciously, he played a great role in bringing that movement to an end. If he'd wanted resettlement, he would have pushed harder for it. Instead he let it die away. He didn't slam the door shut on emigration, but neither did he promote or urge it on the country or the Black population, when it became clear that it wasn't wanted.

The quotations posted here by others bear this out. What Lincoln's critics seem to want is some unequivocal condemnation of colonization as evil. Given the attitudes of the day that couldn't have happened. Columnists and essayists can make such declarations. Politicians and statesmen are jugglers, keeping a different ideas and policies in the air, some that have to be implemented, some that have outgrown their usefulness or possibility, and others whose time hasn't yet come. What matters is the result achieved, not a set of fine position papers with no concrete achievements to show for them.

Lincoln's motivations are hard to sort out. Radical Republicans might have had some effect. Flattery and the adulation of freedmen for Lincoln might also have played a part in changing his mind. But an appreciation the fighting ability, tenacity, desire for freedom and committment to the country of the Black population was likely to be the major factor.

Lincoln would never think as Frederick Douglass did, but this is natural: no politician of the 1960s could think of Black-White relations as Martin Luther King did. Nor would we expect them to. Leaving aside the question of King's views, we take into account the distance those politicians came. None of them probably looked on African-Americans in the same way that White Americans born after 1965 do, but some had come a long way in that direction.

But I don't think the idea of using Blacks as cannon fodder was very much a part of his change. It's said that's what the country did in the American Revolution: it used Black soldiers to win independence, and, having won independence, it denied them the freedom that they would have won had they fought for the other side. Perhaps Lincoln would have behaved similarly towards Blacks had he lived and used them without granting them citizenship, but it's unlikely. And in this Lincoln would have been ahead of most of his contemporaries or the Founders themselves.

So, yes, Lincoln didn't share our accepted ideas about race and integration. Neither did Washington or Jefferson or Jackson, or Polk or Theodore Roosevelt or Wilson or FDR, or the majority of those who favored or opposed such statesmen. But he did do something to advance our understanding of race and justice, and should have some respect on that score. Many Confederate types condemn Lincoln for attitudes he shared with many others in his day, before and later. But hold the founders -- and indeed, the Confederates -- to such standards and no one will be left standing, though it is likely that Federalists and Whigs will end up looking better than Jeffersonians or Jacksonians on racial issues.