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To: Deuce

that does not negate the fact that the tax burden is shifted from higher to lower income taxpayers.

I'll take the straightening out of the distribution from what it is now, thank you. And I have nowhere near the income that being a "higher income" taxpayer. is an issue. Been in the great center most my life, moved to the low income but large resource bunch awhile back.

This effect could be partially offset by increasing both the FCA and NRST rates.

Sorry! Not interested. 23% is more'n enough to do the job. I figure on doing everything I can to decrease that rate myself.

23%........... HR2525 (NRST) rate

14.91% ..... rate if Social Security and Medicare were privatized
14% .......... rate if Nat'l Endowment for the Arts were eliminated
11.9%........ rate if Dept. of Education were eliminated
10% .......... rate if welfare were eliminated
9.8%.......... rate if foreign aid were eliminated
etc.


That, in conjunction with a Tobin tax concept could have more appeal,

You may be interested in hiding tax burden from the electorate as a whole, I'm not.

To remove the perception of the tax burden of the individual, is to remove the goad which assures accountability of government to the electorate. Federal tax rates are high because a majority of the electorate do not share proportionately in the burden their demand for largesse imposes on the minority of citizens.

The siren call for representation without taxation is the formula that got us where we are at today. The ability to hide or disguise taxation from the view of large sectors of the electorate allows the Congress to get away with the creation of the evergrowing monster that it fosters.

Liberty and freedom have a price, responsibility. If that price is avoided there are no brakes on the growth of government, the ultimate result is the end of freedom through creeping socialism.

assuming the NRST could be effectively enforced.

Oh it will be, I assure you. By cutting excess largess from the federal budget.

Hamilton, Federalist #21:

"Imposts, excises, and, in general, all duties upon articles of consumption, may be compared to a fluid, which will, in time, find its level with the means of paying them. The amount to be contributed by each citizen will in a degree be at his own option, and can be regulated by an attention to his resources. The rich may be extravagant, the poor can be frugal; and private oppression may always be avoided by a judicious selection of objects proper for such impositions. "

"It is a signal advantage of taxes on articles of consumption
that they contain in their own nature a security against excess.

They prescribe their own limit, which cannot be exceeded without
defeating the end proposed - that is, an extension of the revenue.

When applied to this object, the saying is as just as it is witty
that, "in political arithmetic, two and two do not always make four."

If duties are too high, they lessen the consumption; the collection
is eluded; and the product to the treasury is not so great as when
they are confined within proper and moderate bounds.

This forms a complete barrier against any material oppression of the
citizens by taxes of this class, and is itself a natural limitation of
the power of imposing them
.

Impositions of this kind usually fall under the denomination of indirect
taxes, and must for a long time constitute the chief part of the revenue
raised in this country.
" (Emphasis added).


The difference between you and I, I am not in the least interested in maintaining the state of government in it current bloated form. I fully hope and expect the NRST to open the electorate's eyes and demand a long over due change.

The Crisis of Democracy

The Honorable James DeMint (R-SC)
United States House of Representatives

THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 2001
12:00 noon

"In 1996, Congress passed a historic welfare reform law that has dramatically reduced the number of Americans who depend on welfare. In spite of this positive development, Representative DeMint is concerned about the steady growth of a welfare/entitlement state that extends well beyond the poor and is forcing millions of middle income Americans into dependency.

There has been a shift in the relationship between individuals and government, he argues, such that fewer and fewer are paying taxes at the same time that more and more are receiving increasingly generous benefits. If it becomes the case that most voters do not bear a financial burden for this largess, then there will be little to restrain--and significant political incentives to encourage--the continued growth of government. And at that point, DeMint warns, we have reached a major crisis in our democracy.

Milton Friedman as quoted by Northwest Florida Daily News, 10-16-2000:

Walter Williams, World Net Daily, 10-25-2000

If you're among those who pay little or no federal income taxes, what do you care about tax cuts? Moreover, if you think tax cuts pose a threat to government handout programs, you might be openly hostile and support Al Gore's silly "risky scheme" talk. So many Americans paying little or no federal taxes makes for a natural spending constituency. It's like me in the restaurant: What do I care about extravagance if you're footing the bill?


876 posted on 11/10/2002 5:38:50 PM PST by ancient_geezer
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To: ancient_geezer
Deuce: that does not negate the fact that the tax burden is shifted from higher to lower income taxpayers.

Ancient_Geezer: I'll take the straightening out of the distribution from what it is now, thank you.

This appears to be the guts of our differences. I oppose a tax that shifts a still greater burden to the middle class and you favor it---perhaps, from your sense of fairness. I feel the middle class already carries a disproportionate share of the burden.

880 posted on 11/10/2002 6:00:03 PM PST by Deuce
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