Posted on 05/12/2010 2:03:02 PM PDT by RayTheSpook
With President Obamas nomination of Elena Kagan to fill a Supreme Court vacancy, the choir has assembled to chant the mantra: we are not supposed to know anything of her judicial predispositions. Questions designed to elicit indications of how she might rule on given cases are not to be asked. Lawyers, legal scholars, and judges along with media lickspittles will croon the liturgy. I have always regarded this proposition as so absurd on its face as to be unworthy of respect from intelligent, rational men and women. It takes an Ivy League college graduate to vigorously defend the idea. Think of the implications of this doctrine were it to be applied to advice you might seek from others in your daily life.
(Excerpt) Read more at rationalreview.com ...
Solicitor General Elena Kagan was a member of the Research Advisory Council of the Goldman Sachs Global Markets Institute, according to the financial disclosures she filed when President Obama appointed her last year to her current post. Kagan served on the Goldman panel from 2005 through 2008, when she was dean of Harvard Law School, and received a $10,000 stipend for her service in 2008, her disclosure forms show.
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/judicial/2010-04-26-kagan_N.htm
No doubt Ms. Lindsey will be falling in love with Ms. Elena and vote to confirm her.
Elena Kagan agrees:
“The real “confirmation mess” is the gap that has opened between the Bork hearings and all others (not only for Justices Ginsburg and Breyer, but also, and perhaps especially, for Justices Kennedy, Souter, and Thomas). It is the degree to which the Senate has strayed from the Bork model. The Bork hearings presented to the public a serious discussion of the meaning of the Constitution, the role of the Court, and the views of the nominee; that discussion at once educated the public and allowed it to determine whether the nominee would move the Court in the proper direction. Subsequent hearings have presented to the public a vapid and hollow charade, in which repetition of platitudes has replaced discussion of viewpoints and personal anecdotes have supplanted legal analysis. Such hearings serve little educative function, except perhaps to reinforce lessons of cynicism that citizens often glean from government. Neither can such hearings contribute toward an evaluation of the Court and a determination whether the nominee would make it a better or worse institution. A process so empty may seem ever so tidy-muted, polite, and restrained-but all that good order comes at great cost.
And what is worse even than the hearings themselves is a necessary condition of them: the evident belief of many senators that serious substantive inquiry of nominees is usually not only inessential, but illegitimate-that their insistent questioning of Judge Bork was justified, if at all, by his overt “radicalism” and that a similar insistence with respect to other nominees, not so obviously “outside the mainstream,” would be improper. This belief is not so often or so clearly stated; but it underlies all that the Judiciary Committee now does with respect to Supreme Court nominations. It is one reason that senators accede to the evasive answers they now have received from five consecutive nominees. It is one reason that senators emphasize, even in posing questions, that they are asking the nominee only about philosophy and not at all about cases-in effect, inviting the nominee to spout legal theory, but to spurn any demonstration of what that theory might mean in practice. It is one reason that senators often act as if their inquiry were a presumption-as if they, mere politicians, have no right to ask a real lawyer (let alone a real judge) about what the law should look like and how it should work. What has happened is that the Senate has absorbed criticisms like Carter’s and, in so doing, has let slip the fundamental lesson of the Bork hearings: the essential rightness—the legitimacy and the desirability—of exploring a Supreme Court nominee’s set of constitutional views and commitments.”
The University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 62, No. 2 (Spring, 1995), pp. 919-942
That is to say... I hope she is willing to reveal the “nominees set of constitutional views and commitments” now that she is the nominee.
I doubt she will unless pressed vigorusly. If she behaves anything like Obama, expect indifference and frustration coming from her, unless of course they work out deals behind the scenes. Imagine her being questioned in a manner she asked for and then acting like it maybe some kind of affront. This might be funny, but I can’t understand how she really qualifies for anything.
yeah, the same people that think that don’t ask don’t tell is a crime...think they should be able to hide their wacko lefist views IN THE CLOSET until a law is passed or a person is confirmed..
The democrat motto should be
IN THE CLOSET UNTIL IN POWER.
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