In 1932, about two-thirds of the German population was Protestant and the remainder Roman Catholic. Bavaria was a Roman Catholic stronghold. Roman Catholics were also well represented in the populations of Baden-Württemberg, the Saarland, and in much of the Rhineland. Elsewhere in Germany, especially in the north and northeast, Protestants were in the majority.
The 7th German federal election of July 1932, saw the Nazis (NSDAP) get 37.8% of the vote or 13.5 million. Since the new government lacked a majority in parliament, Hitler held a new election scheduled for March of 1933. This was the last election in which Germans had a choice.
In the meantime, on 27 February 1933, the Reichstag building was set on fire. This Reichstag fire was promptly blamed on a communist conspiracy, and used as an excuse by the Nazis to close the KPD's offices, ban its press and arrest its leaders.With the communists eliminated, the NSDAP recieved 43.9% or 17.3 million votes. Still a minority, the NSDAP joined with the German National People's Party (DNVP) and achieved a parliamentary majority (51.8%).
With the Catholic Centre Party's thirty-one votes, added to the votes of the Nationalists, and the votes of the NSDAP itself; the Reichstag passed the Enabling Act and gave Hitler the power to rule by decree and to suspend many civil liberties. This allowed Hitler to outlaw the #2 party, the Social Democratic Party (SPD).
Shortly thereafter, DNVP members were coerced into joining the NSDAP or retiring from political life altogether. The Centre Party dissolved itself on 5 July 1933, just before the conclusion of a Concordat between the Vatican and the Nazi government.
On July 14, 1933, all parties other than the Nazis were banned, turning Germany into a one-party state.
On August 19, 1934, in the aftermath of President Hindenburg's death, a plebiscite approved the Nazi plan to combine the offices of the President and Chancellor in a single Leader, a Fuhrer, personified by Adolf Hitler.
The measure was approved by 89.9% or 38,279,000 votes who answered "Yes," and 4,287,000 who answered "No". (and 871,000 spoiled ballots).
The Jan 1935 plebiscite on the Saarland had 98% of the voters turn out, and 90.7% voted to rejoin Germany.
Another plebiscite was held on March 29, 1936, for the purpose of ratifying Hitler's military occupation of the Rhineland, which, according to the Treaty of Versailles, was to have remained demilitarized. Ninety-nine percent of registered voters went to the polls, and 98.7% voted "yes" to the re-occupation.
The plebiscite of April 10th 1938, the annexation of Austria, garnered 4.4 million votes (99.7%) on the Austria side and 44.3 million (98.8%) on the German side, for a total of 48.7 million votes approving the Anschluss.
In October 1938, the occupation of the Sudetenland (Czechoslovakia) brought another 3.5 million Catholic Germans into the fold with Germany. Although a plebiscite was called for under the Munich Agreement, Hitler sent in his troops and invited Poland, Hungary, and Romania to annex the leftovers. No vote was held.
Now, after the partition of Czechoslovakia, the 1939 German census counted 79.7 million people.
The "Fuhrer referendum", Saar, Ruhr/Rhineland, and the Austria anschluss votes got 89.9%, 90.7% , 98.7%, and over 98.8% respectively.
Think about those numbers. Now think about the census: 79.7 million people.
The Jews had lost the franchise due to the "Nuremberg Laws" in 1935. So somebody was voting for Hitler & the Nazis.
Who do you think it was?
Certainly not the children. 44m+22m = 66 million.
But taking a look at the numbers you give for 1932, "37.8% of the vote or 13.5 million" gives a total vote of 35.7 million voters. The population of Germany at the time was around 66 million. The next year, your numbers, "43.9% or 17.3 million votes", indicate a population of voters of 39.4 million. Each of those numbers do not approach your 66 million "supporters". Yes, Hitler led Germany and many people supported him, but that support was not based upon a Christian outlook and certainly did not number 66 million as you hypothesize.
And Czechoslovakia is not Germany. On top of that I would not call a shotgun wedding a love affair.
Here are a few details on the "support" you mention.
These concessions to the National Socialists were fought by the Legitimists, by most of the Catholics, and especially by the workers who, together, represented a majority of the Austrian population. They pointed out that no concession to the Austrian Nazis could be satisfactory, because the Nazis were out for the liquidation of Austria and her unconditional absorption into Germany. Chancellor Schuschnigg followed the course which had taken him to Berchtesgaden, and refused to cooperate with the working class and its representatives, a gesture which would have strengthened his regime. He agreed to a reconstruction of his Cabinet, and accepted as Minister of the Interior, a member of the National Socialist Party, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, whom he thought to be personally loyal to him but who soon openly favored the fast-growing Nazi influence in Austria. As Minister of the Interior he became head of the entire police forces and responsible for internal security and order. These functions until then had been under the direct supervision of Chancellor Schuschnigg. At the same time, amnesty was granted to leading National Socialists in Austria who had been sentenced for attacks against the existing regime. Thus, under threat of a German ultimatum and conscious that no help would come forth from Italy or from the Western Powers, Austria had to permit German interference in her internal affairs. She hoped to get in exchange an unconditional declaration by Chancellor Hitler, in his forthcoming speech of Feb. 20, that he would respect Austria's independence and integrity.
The new German diplomacy under Von Ribbentrop had scored its first success, employing the methods of military pressure and threat of action if demands were not accepted. Although Chancellor Schuschnigg agreed to only a small part of the original German demands, nevertheless, this first concession opened the way to further interference in Austria's affairs. Whereas Schuschnigg intended his concessions as a definite settlement which might lead to appeasement and to cooperation, the Germans regarded them only as the first stage on the road which was fast to be followed by further demands. The new Minister, Seyss-Inquart, left Vienna immediately after his appointment and went to Berlin to consult with the official German authorities. The German press clamored for the complete coordination of Austria with Nazi Germany.
| Inaction of Western Democracies. |
Under these circumstances it became clear that the decisive moment in the struggle for the independence of Austria was approaching. Much depended upon the attitude of the Western democracies. Although in France some of the leading publicists warned of the imminent dangers, the British and the French Governments remained inactive and pursued a policy of facile optimism. In the light of further events, the words of some of the French publicists seem almost prophetic. Wladimir D'Ormesson asked on Feb. 17: 'Are things evolving as though the Western powers didn't exist? Do they admit the policy of ultimatums? Does a European balance of power still exist? It does not suffice that Great Britain and France stand together: they must also have a firm line of policy.' And Bure wrote on the same day: 'Let us not confuse cold-bloodedness with lack of decision. The peoples of Central Europe will look in the future to Berlin instead of to London and Paris. The day is not far-distant when Hitler will invite the French and British Governments to Berchtesgaden, to accept the new European order created by the will of the Führer.' The annexation of Austria by military force, which was to follow within a month after the interview at Berchtesgaden, created not only the first great success of the new aggressive diplomacy of Von Ribbentrop in cooperation with the German army, it also definitely opened the road which was to lead to the Pact of Munich.
| The Sovereignty of Austria. |
The independence of Austria had been solemnly assured in a joint declaration of Great Britain, France and Italy, issued on Feb. 17, 1934, and repeated on Sept. 27 of the same year. On April 14, 1935, the conference of the three Powers at Stresa reaffirmed their determination to maintain the integrity of Austria. The proposed conference on Austria and on the affairs of Central Europe which was to be convened at Rome in May 1935, was never realized because of the diverging interests of the Great Powers and the countries of the Little Entente. Chancellor Hitler tried to allay any apprehension by solemnly declaring, on May 21, 1935, that 'Germany has neither the intention nor the will to interfere with the internal affairs of Austria, nor to annex Austria or achieve union with her.' In the same declaration Hitler promised to respect the demilitarization of the Rhineland and to fulfill the Pact of Locarno for which he had high words of praise.
Less than a year later, on March 7, 1936, he broke the Pact of Locarno, remilitarized the Rhineland, and, under these changed circumstances, Austria was forced to agree to a bilateral pact with Germany which was achieved on July 11, 1936. Its first article declared that the German Government recognized, in the sense of the words of the Führer of May 21, 1935, the full sovereignty of Austria. In the second article, both governments declared that they regarded the internal policy exclusively as a question of each country upon which the other countries should exercise no direct or indirect influence. The next day, on July 12, Italy definitely turned away from London and Paris and the Locarno Pact. The visit of Count Ciano, in October 1936, to Berlin and Berchtesgaden marked the beginning of the close German-Italian cooperation, for which Mussolini introduced the name of the Rome-Berlin axis. With this changed Italian attitude, Austria lost the important backing of Italy against German penetration. The modus vivendi created by the bilateral pact of July 11, 1936, was frequently disturbed by the fact that against the wording of the Locarno Pact the German Government supported again and again the Austrian National Socialists in their actions against the constituted Austrian Government. In February 1938 the German Government believed the hour had come to interfere openly in the internal affairs of Austria.
| Schuschnigg's Speech in Parliament. |
The speech of Chancellor Hitler on Feb. 20, 1938, avoided any clear reference to the sovereignty of Austria. On the contrary, the words used revealed clearly the decision of the German Government not to be satisfied with the concessions made so far by Chancellor Schuschnigg, but to insist on the 'protection' of the Germans in Austria. Hitler's speech was answered by Chancellor Schuschnigg in a great speech which he delivered before the Austrian Parliament on Feb. 24. In this speech he declared that the Austrian Government would preserve, with all its power, the integrity of Austria and the traditions of her civilization. He stressed that there was no question of going beyond the concessions which he had already made. Proudly he could point to the great economic progress accomplished by Austria during the past five years. Exports had risen from 818 million schillings in 1933 to 1230 million schillings in 1937. Production had shown an all-round increase. Taking the production of the year 1929 as 100, the production of 1933 had amounted to 62, the production of 1937, to 104. The production of pig-iron had risen from 88,000 tons in 1933 to 389,000 in the year 1937, the production of steel in the same period, from 226,000 tons to 650,000 tons. A similar rise could be noticed in the production of celluloid, paper, and cotton yarn. The production of oil increased from 855 metric tons in 1933 to 33,000 metric tons in 1937. An intensification of agriculture increased the production of wheat by 170 per cent, of potatoes by 430 per cent, of sugar by about 1100 per cent. The increased tourist traffic brought large revenues to the hotel industry and to the railways. The number of unemployed had been reduced to 232,000, without resorting to heavy armaments as other countries had done. The standard of living had been raised throughout Austria, roads, and large housing schemes were under construction. The Austrian budget, which was regularly published and publicly controlled, was completely balanced. Foreign debt had been reduced during the past five years by more than half. Gold reserves of the Austrian National Bank had been considerably increased. The severe restrictions upon exchange had been very much relaxed, so that Austria could claim the most liberal financial administration in Central Europe.
At the same time Chancellor Schuschnigg also stressed his willingness to cooperate with the workers. Everybody without exception in Austria, he stressed, was equal before the law, all classes were to cooperate, there was to be no privileged party. The speech of Chancellor Schuschnigg made a great impression, both in Austria and abroad. It strengthened the will of the majority of the Austrian people to fight for the independence and integrity of their country.
| Austrian Nazi Demonstrations. |
The Austrian National Socialists were incensed at the speech. They were mostly active not in Vienna, where they probably represented only a small minority, but in the two provinces of Styria and Carinthia where they formed a majority of the middle-class population. Graz, the capital of Styria, became the headquarters of an open revolt against the Viennese regime. Graz had always been the most important seat of Pan-Germanic agitation in the Habsburg Monarchy. Under the influence of Seyss-Inquart, the Austrian Government did not take any decisive measures against the National Socialist youth in the provinces who were even allowed to use the Hitler salute and to wear the Swastika. On the other hand, the negotiations between the workers and the Government proceeded only very slowly. The workers were ready to defend the Government against any National Socialist revolt, but they demanded certain concessions on the part of the Government. These concessions would have legalized the Social Democratic activities in a way similar to those granted to the National Socialists, but the Government was reluctant to concede them.
| Nation-wide Plebiscite Proclaimed. |
Thus time was lost. The National Socialists within the Government made energetic action on the part of the police against Nazi demonstrations impossible; the pressure from Germany increased, and, at the beginning of March, Dr. Schuschnigg found himself in a difficult position. Under these circumstances Chancellor Schuschnigg proclaimed, in the Tyrol, his native province, a nation-wide plebiscite for Sunday, March 13, to decide whether Austria wished to remain an independent state. Every Austrian citizen above 24 years of age had the right to participate in the plebiscite. The age of 24 was fixed in accordance with the Austrian Constitution. The short time of four days between the announcement of the plebiscite and the plebiscite itself was to exclude protracted violent propaganda which might have led to many clashes.
| Hitler's New Ultimatum. |
The National Socialists reacted violently to the news of the plebiscite. On March 11, the German radio and press spread the news of Communist demonstrations and disorders in Austria. In the afternoon of the same day, a representative of the German Government arrived by airplane in Vienna and brought an ultimatum which demanded a postponement of the plebiscite, the resignation of the Cabinet of Schuschnigg and the formation of a new Cabinet under Seyss-Inquart. This ultimatum was turned down by the Austrian President, Miklas. Immediately afterwards the ultimatum was repeated with the threat, that, should it not be agreed to by evening, 200,000 German troops would march into Austria. On the same evening Chancellor Schuschnigg declared in a radio address that President Miklas and he had decided to give way before the threat of force. Schuschnigg resigned and his concluding words were 'God save Austria.'
| Occupation of Austria; Hitler's Entry into Vienna. |
A few hours later Austria had ceased to exist; German airplanes, tanks and troops had crossed the frontiers. The move had been well prepared. Within a few hours Austria was not only occupied by German troops, but all the functions of the Police and Administration were taken over by German officials of which each one seemed to have his exact duty well defined in advance. The Government constituted by Seyss-Inquart after the resignation of Schuschnigg is reported to have called the German troops to Austria. On March 13, the day which had been fixed for the plebiscite on Austria's independence, German troops and German officials were completely in control of Austria, and the country, where nobody but the Nazis dared to show themselves in the street, offered a totally coordinated picture. Chancellor Hitler had followed his troops, and triumphantly entered his native town at the border of Bavaria and Upper Austria, then Linz, the capital of Upper Austria, where he had gone to high school; and, on March 14, reached Vienna, the city where he had spent the years of his youth.
| Plebiscite for the Anschluss. |
On April 10, 1938, a plebiscite was held in the Nazified Austria which gave an overwhelming majority for the Anschluss. As the union of Austria with Germany was in any case an accomplished fact which the result of the plebiscite could in no way change, most people bowed before the fact and the success of an active policy. The immense propaganda machine of the German Reich filled all the air and all the printing presses of Austria, for several weeks, with its impressive and unceasingly-repeated assertions. The Austrian Government was dissolved, Austria became an integral part of the German Reich. All the marks of its traditional unity and civilization were erased. The German Reich not only became Great Germany, it acquired a large expansion of its army and its resources, it occupied the most important strategic position on the Danube from where, for many centuries, Central Europe had been dominated politically, economically, and culturally. The three great and very efficient Austrian armament factories now began to work for German rearmament. The possession of Austria completed the encirclement of Czechoslovakia rendering its situation most precarious.