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Stabbing America in the Back!
For sure this is.
Republicans in Congress, meanwhile, see parallels to last decade’s Chinagate fund-raising scandal, and are clamoring for public hearings to get to the bottom of what may be a new chapter in an old tale of corruption, foreign influence-peddling and espionage. All told, 22 Democrat donors were convicted in the Chinagate probe, which the Justice Department officially closed a few years ago.

After he was convicted of fraud last decade, and allegedly kidnapped by a Chinese gang in San Francisco, Hsu fled to Hong Kong, where he was born and raised. He returned to the U.S. not long after Hillary Clinton won her Senate seat. Then – for the first time – he started donating heavily to Democrats. He gave no political campaign gifts in the U.S. before 2004.

“The source of Hsu’s income at this point is unknown,” a congressional investigator told WND. “It begs the question, where did he get the resources to contribute so much money?”

During the last Clinton campaign of 1996, the People’s Liberation Army launched a massive campaign to buy influence in the Democratic Party and steer military hardware and technology Beijing’s way.

Reports by federal investigators say the PLA used a host of Chinese agents living in the U.S. as bagmen to funnel cash to the Clinton-Gore campaigns and gain access to the White House and sensitive government agencies.

Even U.S. corporate executives did their bidding. Most alarmingly, Schwartz persuaded the Clinton administration to give his Loral Space and Communications subsidiary a waiver to use inexpensive Chinese rockets to launch U.S. satellites into space.

Loral at the same time helped Beijing – over the objections of the U.S. intelligence community – improve its commercial space launchers. That in turn, helped make its nuclear-tipped missiles more reliable as ICBMs, several of which are aimed at U.S. cities.

In fact, it’s believed China’s recent downing of a satellite with a ground-based missile would not have been possible without Loral’s technical assistance.

Schwartz, who was Clinton’s top donor in the 1996 election cycle, insists his contributions did not buy policy changes regarding China. He says the favorable treatment he got from the administration was merely a “coincidence.”

However, two months before he won a prized seat on a Commerce Department trade junket to China, he wrote a check to Democrats for $100,000. On the trip, Schwartz scored a meeting with China’s top telecommunications official, which led to Loral winning a deal to provide cell phone service to China – a deal worth an estimated $250 million a year.

During the 1996 election cycle, moreover, Schwartz created his Loral Satellite and Communications subsidiary. He needed export controls loosened so the start-up unit could launch its satellites on cheap Chinese booster rockets, which are nearly identical to Beijing’s strategic missiles that would greatly benefit from such dual-use U.S. technology transfers.

Schwartz lobbied the Clinton administration to transfer satellite export licenses to the more lenient Commerce Department. At the same time, he pumped $632,000 into Clinton-Gore and Democratic National Committee coffers.

That same year, in a major policy shift, President Clinton overturned an earlier 1995 decision by Secretary of State Warren Christopher and transferred authority for satellite export licenses to the Commerce Department, where Beijing managed to plant an agent by the name of John Huang. Loral got its waiver – over the objections of the Justice Department – and Schwartz kept on giving to the Clinton machine, in the end contributing well over $1 million.

Schwartz not only met with top officials at China Aerospace International Holding Ltd. – a PLA front – but he even formed a joint venture with the communist front company.

A key contact at China Aerospace was Liu Chaoying, a lieutenant colonel in the PLA.

In 1998, in the course of plea bargaining with the Justice Department, a Chinese bagman by the name of Johnny Chung confessed that at least $100,000 of his contributions to the DNC and the Clinton-Gore campaign had come from a Chinese aerospace executive – a lieutenant colonel in the Chinese military – who had given him $300,000. It was the same Chaoying involved with Loral, who happened to also be the daughter of the PLA’s top general and a key member of China’s Communist Party leadership.

Chung later told prosecutors that the $300,000 had been ordered into his bank account by the head of Chinese military intelligence, whom he said he met through the lieutenant colonel.

During the 1996 election cycle, Chung was a regular White House visitor. All told, he visited 57 times. During one visit to the first lady’s office, he handed Hillary Clinton’s chief of staff a check for $50,000. Three days earlier, he had received a $150,000 wire transfer from the Bank of China.

Hillary Clinton posed for a White House photo with Chung and two Chinese officials, and later penned a personal note on a print of the photo for Chung: “To Johnny Chung with best wishes and appreciation – Hillary Rodham Clinton.”

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