Jerusalem Issue Brief
Institute for Contemporary Affairs
founded jointly at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
with the Wechsler Family Foundation Vol. 7, No. 11 20 July 2007 Iran's Renewed Threats to Take Over the Arab Gulf States Lt. Col. (res.) Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi
Recent Iranian implied threats to "liberate" some of the Gulf states, and an
Iranian editorial calling Bahrain a district of Iran, have caused great
consternation in the Gulf states. In Bahrain there have been demonstrations
at the Iranian embassy, and an official protest was submitted to Tehran. An
additional Iranian article by the same author again disparaged the Gulf
states and made further territorial threats. Iran has territorial ambitions in the Persian Gulf and does not hide them.
In its view, every region of the Gulf is essentially Persian and not Arab;
moreover, a large Shiite population lives in the Gulf. The tireless Iranian endeavor to build a large, powerful military and
develop a civilian and military nuclear capability is a central part of a
strategy aimed at transforming Iran from a regional power to a global one
that can contend with the United States and the West. The closer Iran gets
to nuclearization, the bolder it is likely to be toward the West and its
neighbors. Iran's prophetic vision is already being translated into practice in the
propagation of the Shiite faith in many Muslim countries including Pakistan,
India (Kashmir), Turkey, Egypt, Algeria, Lebanon, Jordan, and others. Senior
Sunni theorists keep warning of the Shiite "missionary" campaign that is
spreading in the Arab world. The Sunni world has tended to support Iran in its confrontation with the
United States over the issue of nuclear development. Now that the situation
is getting critical, there is a basis for strategic cooperation between the
United States and the Sunni world aimed at stopping Iran. In the eyes of the Arab states, the threat to wipe the Sunni world from the
map is graver than the Iranian promise to annihilate Israel. Paradoxically,
Israel and the Arab world are in the same boat, with similar interests;
moreover, it is in fact Israel that can save the day for the Arabs.
Iran Eyes "Illegal Regimes" in the Gulf States Tension is increasing between Iran and the Gulf oil principalities over
Iranian territorial claims that imply a threat to "liberate" some of these
states and annex them to Iran, the "mother homeland." The crisis was
triggered by an editorial by Hussein Shriatmadari, adviser to Iran's
spiritual leader Ali Khameini and editor in chief of the newspaper Kayhan,
who asserted that "Bahrain is one of the districts of Iran." On July 9,
2007, Shriatmadari wrote: At present, and in line with the documents that prove Iran's complete and
unequivocal sovereignty over the three islands [Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb,
and Abu Musa], we must again ask the question: is the motive for their claim
[regarding UAE sovereignty over the three islands as indicated in
resolutions of the Gulf Cooperation Council] not their fear of the
earthquake that the Islamic Revolution has stirred up against their
governments, [whose foundations] are in previous centuries and are illegal?
All these governments [of the Gulf states] were established as a result of
direct intervention of the arrogant forces [imperialism], and the peoples
were not involved in appointing their governments, formulating their
policies, or decision-making. Indeed, all the governments that are members
of this council [the Gulf Cooperation Council] are accused by their peoples
of cooperation with the Zionist entity....
The earthquake stemming from the example set by the Islamic Republic
[of Iran] will lead to the collapse of their illegal regimes. They well know
this and have started to express hostility to Islamic Iran as a strategic
objective. This path is dangerous not only for Iran but also for the
continuation of their governments.1
Consternation in Bahrain The article caused great consternation in Bahrain. Demonstrations were held
at the Iranian embassy and an official protest was submitted to Tehran. A
member of the Bahraini parliament, Muhammad Khaled of the Muslim
Brotherhood, stated in a newspaper interview that Iran needs to officially
apologize for Shriatmadari's article, and if it does not do so, Bahrain
should recall its ambassador from Tehran and cut off diplomatic relations.
He expressed fear that Iran is already preparing to foment a domestic
uprising in Bahrain, whose Shiite residents account for 70 percent of the
total population. "Bahrain has always taken a positive position on the
Iranian nuclear crisis and has announced more than once its opposition to a
military attack on Iran, and this is the 'nice' response to Bahrain's
position," said Khaled.2 Following Bahrain's protest, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki met
with his Bahraini counterpart, and the two issued a joint statement
affirming that "Bahrain and Iran respect each other's sovereignty and
territorial integrity." Someone in the Iranian Foreign Ministry clarified
that Iran had not submitted an apology since the Kayhan editorial did not
express an official position but rather only the view of its writer.3 Senior Iranian sources told Al-Sharq Al-Awsat that the article was a
reaction to an announcement by the foreign and defense ministers of the Gulf
states at a meeting in Jeddah at the beginning of July which expressed
support for the UAE's claim to sovereignty over the three islands captured
by Iran. The Gulf Cooperation Council, which unites the oil principalities,
stated in its resolutions: As for Iran's continued occupation of the three islands, Greater Tunb,
Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa, which belong to the UAE, the council reemphasizes
its established positions: Support for the right of the UAE to restore the three islands to its
sovereignty, with the territorial waters and the airspace...which are an
inseparable part of the UAE.
Expression of regret that no progress has been achieved in the direct and
regional and international contacts being held with Iran.
Calling on the Islamic Republic of Iran to respond to the efforts of the UAE
and the international community to solve the problem by direct negotiations
between the sides or by submitting the problem to the International Court of
Justice.4
Iranian Pressure Continues The Iranian explanations did not placate the fears of the oil
principalities, particularly in light of the ongoing attack on them and the
accusations that these regimes are illegitimate and, furthermore, cooperate
with the United States that is seeking to attack Iran. Shriatmadari was not
deterred by the criticism against him and in a further article in Kayhan on
July 15, 2007, under the headline "What's Going On with You People?" he
again disparaged the Gulf states, refraining from calling Bahrain "the state
of Bahrain" and instead calling it "the island of Bahrain." In this article
Shriatmadari also asserted that several decades ago Bahrain was one of the
districts of Iran, but was severed from it because of an agreement between
Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi and the governments of the United States and
Britain. He attacked the rulers of the Gulf states who deny "the total
Iranian sovereignty over parts of the recognized Iranian lands" and accused
them of becoming spokesmen for the United States and its allies who are
working to open a new front against Iran in the context of the key struggle
between Tehran and Washington.5 Ali Ahmadi, a member of the Iranian parliament and of the Parliamentary
Committee for National Security and Foreign Policy, also attacked the
position of the Gulf states regarding sovereignty over the three islands.
"If these states want to raise the ghost of these issues, it will harm them
more," said Ahmadi, who noted that during certain periods some of the Arab
countries, including Bahrain, were part of Iran.6 The Rajah News website, identified with Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, stated that the Shiites in Bahrain constitute 70 percent of the
original residents and many of them speak Farsi. They watch Iranian
television and are fans of Iranian soccer teams. The website noted that
Iranian leaders have warned the Gulf states that continued support for the
UAE's claim to sovereignty over the three islands will resurrect Iran's
claim to sovereignty over Bahrain, despite the Shah's concession of Bahrain
in 1971.7 A former senior Iranian figure said in an interview with Al-Sharq Al-Awsat
that Shriatmadari's article reflects the view of Ali Khameini, who takes an
aggressive line on foreign policy as reflected in a recent speech in which
he berated former presidents Rafsanjani and Khatami for conducting a foreign
policy during their tenure that was defensive rather than offensive.
However, he criticized Shriatmadari, saying his words unnecessarily
complicate Iran's relations with the Gulf states.8 Iran has territorial ambitions in the Persian Gulf and does not hide them.
In its view, every region of the Gulf is essentially Persian and not Arab;
moreover, a large Shiite population lives in the Gulf states. The tireless
Iranian endeavor to build a large, powerful military and develop a civilian
and military nuclear capability is a central part of a strategy aimed at
transforming Iran from a regional power to a global one that can contend
with the United States and the West. The closer Iran gets to nuclearization,
the bolder it is likely to be toward the West and its neighbors. Iran is careful not to repeat the error of Saddam Hussein, who invaded
Kuwait in August 1990 before completing the program he was working on to
develop unconventional weaponry. Iran's overriding interest at present is to
deter the United States (and Israel) from carrying out a military attack
that would damage its nuclear program, and to deter the Gulf states from
militarily assisting the United States.
Ahmadinejad's Prophetic Vision In the next stage, the nuclear umbrella is meant to serve as the basis for a
more activist foreign policy that will carry the banner of the Islamic
revolution. The religious vision that motivates Iran is a platform for
political and military activity, and this vision centers on the goal of
reestablishing the Islamic Caliphate, which will then create the conditions
for the appearance of the Mahdi, the Muslim messiah. Ahmadinejad announced
this explicitly in a speech to senior religious figures (November 2006),9
and in an epistle to Christians (December 19, 2006) in which he stated that
"the era of distress, suffering, and threats will come to an end on the Day
of Days and Jesus will return to the world with the appearance of the
descendant of the Holy Prophet of Islam, the Imam Mahdi [the Shiite
messiah], and he will remove any signs of oppression, suffering, and travail
from the world."10 In the Shiite communities, Ahmadinejad is seen as the embodiment of the
Muslim leader who can advance the redemption. In the book Ahmadinejad and
the Coming World Revolution, Shadi Fakia makes a direct link between
Ahmadinejad and the Mahdi and says the present president of Iran fits the
description of the commander of the Mahdi's forces who will liberate
Jerusalem according to the Shiite faith. Ahmadinejad is described as a
resolute individual who is directly guided by Allah and believes the
"Jerusalem liberation army" will pass through Iraq, similarly to the belief
of Khomeini, who said that "the way to Jerusalem leads through Karbala."
Ahmadinejad's determination to develop nuclear weapons is also interpreted
as one of the signs of the messianic redemption, since for him and his close
associates, confronting the international pressures to stop Iran from
acquiring nuclear technology is one of the ways to prepare the stage for the
Mahdi's appearance.11
Sunni Reactions to Shiite Missionizers The prophetic vision is already being translated into practice in the
propagation of the Shiite faith in many Muslim countries including Pakistan,
India (Kashmir), Turkey, Egypt, Algeria, Lebanon, Jordan, and others. Senior
Sunni theorists keep warning of the Shiite "missionary" campaign that is
spreading in the Arab world. A few months ago the Supreme Muslim Council in
Syria called on all Sunni Muslims to rise up against the campaign of
religious conversion that Iran is conducting with the help of the Syrian
regime. Its goal, the Supreme Muslim Council claimed, is to push the Sunnis
to emigrate from their countries while abandoning their identity and
religion and, indeed, destroy them. The propagation of Shiism, the council
claimed, is also seen in the establishment of schools in every city, the
construction of Shiite mosques in Sunni neighborhoods, and imposition of
limitations on Sunnis in practicing their faith.12 Especially harsh in his attack on the Shiites was the Mufti of Mount
Lebanon, Sheikh al-Juzu. In an interview with the Egyptian weekly Ruz
al-Yusuf (December 22, 2006), al-Juzu said that "Iran aspires to take over
the Arab region. It is seeking to take control of the oil in the [Persian]
Gulf and to make the whole Arab region Shiite. There are complete villages
that have become Shiite....What is now happening is a Persian Iranian Shiite
invasion that Khomeini was not able to achieve, but which today is being
carried out by Hassan Nasrallah, Muktada Sadr, Alaziz Alhakim, and Muhammad
Ali Taskhiri."13 The manifestations of an aggressive Iranian foreign policy are multiplying
and are well reflected in the profound fears of the Gulf states. The
commanders of the Iranian army have threatened more than once to attack the
Gulf states and the oil facilities if they assist the United States in
attacking Iran. Now, in addition to these threats, comes a declaration
indicating Iran's intention to take over the Gulf region and its huge oil
reserves, which will serve as a source of immense economic power and a tool
to devastate the Western economy. The Sunni world has tended to support Iran in its confrontation with the
United States over the issue of nuclear development. Now that the situation
is getting critical, there is a basis for strategic cooperation between the
United States and the Sunni world aimed at stopping Iran. In the eyes of the
Arab states, the threat to wipe the Sunni world from the map is graver than
the Iranian promise to annihilate Israel. Paradoxically, Israel and the Arab
world are in the same boat, with similar interests; moreover, it is in fact
Israel that can save the day for the Arabs. * * * Notes
[1] Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), July 13, 2007,
http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=3&article=427952&issue=10454.
2 Al-Khalij (UAE), July 14, 2007,
http://www.alkhaleej.ae/articles/show_article.cfm?val=405611.
3 Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), July 15, 2007,
http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=3&article=428190&issue=10456.
4 Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), July 13, 2007,
http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=3&article=427952&issue=10454.
5 Al-Qabas (Kuwait), July 16, 2007,
http://www.alqabas.com.kw/Final/NewspaperWebsite/NewspaperPublic/ArticlePage.aspx?ArticleID=296043.
6 Al-Qabas (Kuwait), July 14, 2007,
http://www.alqabas.com.kw/Final/NewspaperWebsite/NewspaperPublic/ArticlePage.aspx?ArticleID=295412.
7 Ibid.
8 Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), July 13, 2007,
http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=3&article=427952&issue=10454.
9 Al-Hayat (London), November 19, 2006.
10 IRNA, December 19, 2006.
1[1] http://www.alrased.net/show_topic.php?topic_id=431.
[1]2 http://www.ikhwan.net/vb/showthread.php?t=24237.
[1]3 http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2006/12/21/30114.html.
* * * Lt. Col. (res.) Jonathan D. Halevi is a senior researcher of the Middle East
and radical Islam at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. He is a
founder of the Orient Research Group Ltd. and is a former advisor to the
Policy Planning Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
This Jerusalem Issue Brief is available online at:
www.jcpa.org Dore Gold, Publisher; Yaacov Amidror, ICA Chairman; Dan Diker, ICA Director;
Mark Ami-El, Managing Editor. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
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Fax. 972-2-561-9112, Email: jcpa@netvision.net.il. In U.S.A.: Center for
Jewish Community Studies, 5800 Park Heights Ave., Baltimore, MD 21215; Tel.
410-664-5222; Fax 410-664-1228. Website: www.jcpa.org. © Copyright. The
opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the Board of
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