I was a really stupid American in the sense Ann uses it, too. I believed Iraqis wanted freedom and democracy, that everyone in the Middle East wants freedom, and that deposing Saddam with a little rebuilding was all we had to do as we watched the ME dominoes fall.
If I read the chicken entrails correctly, is the core of neoconservatism. It’s Wilsonian, I admit. Turns out it’s also wrong.
Coulter is, I believe, repudiating neoconservatism and Bush as its leader.
I was a really stupid American in the sense Ann uses it, too. I believed Iraqis wanted freedom and democracy, that everyone in the Middle East wants freedom, and that deposing Saddam with a little rebuilding was all we had to do as we watched the ME dominoes fall.
If I read the chicken entrails correctly, is the core of neoconservatism. It’s Wilsonian, I admit. Turns out it’s also wrong.
Coulter is, I believe, repudiating neoconservatism and Bush as its leader.
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And there is more to come:
The Case for Bombing Iran
By Norman Podhoretz
From “Commentary”: June 2007
Although many persist in denying it, I continue to believe that what September 11, 2001 did was to plunge us headlong into nothing less than another world war. I call this new war World War IV, because I also believe that what is generally known as the cold war was actually World War III, and that this one bears a closer resemblance to that great conflict than it does to World War II. Like the cold war, as the military historian Eliot Cohen was the first to recognize, the one we are now in has ideological roots, pitting us against Islamofascism, yet another mutation of the totalitarian disease we defeated first in the shape of Nazism and fascism and then in the shape of Communism; it is global in scope; it is being fought with a variety of weapons, not all of them military; and it is likely to go on for decades.
What follows from this way of looking at the last five years is that the military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq cannot be understood if they are regarded as self-contained wars in their own right. Instead we have to see them as fronts or theaters that have been opened up in the early stages of a protracted global struggle. The same thing is true of Iran. As the currently main center of the Islamofascist ideology against which we have been fighting since 9/11, and as (according to the State Department’s latest annual report on the subject) the main sponsor of the terrorism that is Islamofascism’s weapon of choice, Iran too is a front in World War IV. Moreover, its effort to build a nuclear arsenal makes it the potentially most dangerous one of all.
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Much of the world has greeted Ahmadinejad’s promise to wipe Israel off the map with something close to insouciance. In fact, it could almost be said of the Europeans that they have been more upset by Ahmadinejad’s denial that a Holocaust took place 60 years ago than by his determination to set off one of his own as soon as he acquires the means to do so. In a number of European countries, Holocaust denial is a crime, and the European Union only recently endorsed that position. Yet for all their retrospective remorse over the wholesale slaughter of Jews back then, the Europeans seem no readier to lift a finger to prevent a second Holocaust than they were the first time around.
Not so George W. Bush, a man who knows evil when he sees it and who has demonstrated an unfailingly courageous willingness to endure vilification and contumely in setting his face against it. It now remains to be seen whether this President, battered more mercilessly and with less justification than any other in living memory, and weakened politically by the enemies of his policy in the Middle East in general and Iraq in particular, will find it possible to take the only action that can stop Iran from following through on its evil intentions both toward us and toward Israel. As an American and as a Jew, I pray with all my heart that he will.