CA: Lobbyist's donations, earmarks increasing

Riverside Press-Enterprise ^ | 6/13/06 | Duane W. Gang and Claire Vitucci

[NormsRevenge]

Inland Rep. Jerry Lewis has received more than $1 million in donations from lobbyists and current and past clients of a top Washington lobbying firm under investigation by federal authorities, an analysis of campaign-finance data shows.

A federal grand jury issued subpoenas last month to Inland cities and counties asking them to turn over documents about their decision to hire the firm, billing statements and communications between local officials, Lewis and the lobbying firm Copeland, Lowery, Jacquez, Denton & White.

Clients of Copeland Lowery have received millions of dollars in congressional earmarks -- the special projects lawmakers insert into federal legislation -- that were approved by the House Appropriations Committee, records show. Lewis is the committee's chairman.

Lewis has not been charged with any wrongdoing in the grand jury investigation and representatives for the congressman and Copeland Lowery say the contributions are not improper.

Contributions from current or former clients to Lewis' campaign and political action committee have doubled in recent years as earmarks to the firm's clients have increased four-fold. The contributions are legal but critics say they illustrate how Washington politics have evolved into a pay-to-play system.

If Lewis "promotes a project worthy of federal funding, he does it on the merits of the project or the fact that it benefits the local community or the military," said Jim Specht, the congressman's spokesman. "He doesn't pay attention to who the lobbyist is or (who) the company is or if the lobbyist has given any money."

Patrick Dorton, a Copeland Lowery spokesman, declined to comment on whether the firm asked its clients to donate to Lewis or other members of Congress.

"The firm conducts itself in a manner consistent with the laws and rules that govern both campaign finance and Capitol Hill lobbying," Dorton said Monday.

Federal law requires lobbyists to disclose who their clients are and how much the clients pay. Laws also limit the amount of money individuals and political action committees can donate to candidates.

Lawmakers' relationships with lobbyists and the practice of earmarking are under growing scrutiny since former Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham, R-Rancho Santa Fe, pleaded guilty last year to conspiring to accept bribes in exchange for congressional earmarks. In January, lobbyist Jack Abramoff pleaded guilty to corruption and fraud charges. Last month, the FBI raided the office of Rep. William Jefferson, D-La., and seized $90,000 in suspected bribery money from his freezer.

The donations to Lewis and his political action committee come from a host of the lobbyist's current and former clients. Some of the individuals and companies donating to Lewis began before becoming Copeland Lowery clients, while others continued donating after they stopped using the firm.

Companies often retain numerous lobbying firms depending on what issue they are pushing in Washington. For example, Boeing, a current Copeland Lowery client, hired 18 lobbying firms last year.

Lewis sees campaign donations as a First Amendment right, akin to constituents' rights to write letters to their representative and petition their government, Specht said.

Increasing Earmarks

Though earmarks don't come with a lawmaker's name attached, an analysis of earmarks Lewis' office has announced in news releases shows that Copeland Lowery clients and a subcontractor's client benefited directly and indirectly from millions of dollars worth of federal funding secured by Lewis.

Clients received earmarks worth:

$38.4 million in 2002

$66 million in 2003

$218.1 million in 2004

$157.8 million in 2005

The money Lewis' campaign and his political action committee received from Copeland Lowery lobbyists and clients is about 16 percent of the total the veteran lawmaker has raised since 1999.

A third of the money that Copeland Lowery lobbyists and clients have donated to Lewis and his political action committee has come in the past two years -- ever since Lewis -- a congressman since 1978 -- began actively seeking the chairmanship of the House Appropriations Committee. Lewis got the post in January 2005.

For instance, Copeland Lowery lobbyists and clients gave $86,000 to Lewis' political action committee in the 2000 election cycle, which began in 1999. That jumped to $188,000 in the 2004 cycle, the analysis of campaign finance data shows.

The analysis uses data from the Federal Election Commission, the Center for Responsive Politics and FECInfo and included Copeland Lowery clients who contributed to Lewis through political action committees.

Executives and consultants for ESRI, the Redlands-based mapping firm, donated more than $32,000. Loma Linda University Medical Center executives individually have donated more than $20,000 to Lewis since 2000. Meanwhile, defense contractors and other companies also are major donors. General Atomics, the developer of the Predator unmanned spy plane, gave $67,000 to Lewis and his political action committee.

Between 1999 and 2006, Lewis raised $3,912,089 for his personal campaign account and $2,044,892 for his Future Leaders political action committee. In all, he raised $5,956,981.

Specht said donations to Lewis' PAC have increased steadily since the 2000 election cycle because GOP leadership asked lawmakers to raise more money for Republican representatives at risk of losing their seats.

Lewis contributes most of his political action committee money to challengers and at-risk members of Congress, Specht said.

"Campaigns are more costly, the (National Republican Congressional Committee) is asking for more and more money and they expect the chairmen of the committees to respond," Specht said. "In the case of the Appropriations Committee, they have urged the subcommittee chairmen to respond."

Prior to being chosen the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, Lewis was chairman of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee and the appropriations subcommittee that oversees spending for the Veterans Affairs and Housing and Urban Development departments.

Lewis Climbs Ladder

One congressional observer said Lewis had to prove his worth as a major GOP fund-raiser in order to become chairman of the Appropriations Committee.

"He may have become more determined to get the chairmanship ... and that could have led to excesses in fundraising and earmarking and all the rest," said Larry Sabato, a University of Virginia political scientist. "But I think it's important to stress the 'could.' "

Bob Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles, emphasized that he does not say Lewis earmarked funding to Copeland Lowery clients in exchange for campaign donations. But companies doing business with the federal government are "expected to give campaign contributions to decision makers," he said.

"You are probably paying 1 percent or less of what the contract will be," Stern said. "It is a great return on your investment."

Stern said both the Cunningham case and the focus on Lewis are turning points. Lawmakers now will be far more careful in how they accept campaign donations and how they earmark federal funding, he said.

"It is going to keep people on their toes and (force them to make) decisions much more in the interest of the American people," he said.