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To: raygun

Riddle me this - Does the New Deal commerce clause compromise the architectural integrity of the Republic, as laid out in the Constitution? If so, how important should maintaining that integrity be considered as providing for the general welfare?


165 posted on 05/12/2006 8:04:51 PM PDT by tacticalogic ("Oh bother!" said Pooh, as he chambered his last round.)
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To: tacticalogic
What New Deal Commerce Clause are you talking about? It looks like the interpretation of the Commerce Clause during and after the New Deal fell to Justice John Marshall's interpretation respecting commerce (as rendered in Gibbons v Ogden in 1824).

Of course, the power to regulate commerce is the power to prescribe conditions and rules for the carrying-on of commercial transactions, the keeping-free of channels of commerce, the regulating of prices and terms of sale. Even if the clause granted only this power, the scope would be wide, but it extends to include many more purposes than these. ''Congress can certainly regulate interstate commerce to the extent of forbidding and punishing the use of such commerce as an agency to promote immorality, dishonesty, or the spread of any evil or harm to the people of other states from the state of origin. In doing this, it is merely exercising the police power, for the benefit of the public, within the field of interstate commerce. - Brooks v. United States, 267 U.S. 432, 436 -437 (1925)
Case law pertainent to stare decisis respecting the Commerce clause:

The Commerce Clause is the direct source of the most important powers that the Federal Government exercises in peacetime, and, except for the due process and equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is the most important limitation imposed by the Constitution on the exercise of state power. The latter, restrictive operation of the clause was long the more important one from the point of view of the constitutional lawyer. Of the approximately 1400 cases which reached the Supreme Court under the clause prior to 1900, the overwhelming proportion stemmed from state legislation. In general, the guiding lines in construction of the clause were initially laid down in the context of curbing state power rather than being excercise as a source of national power. Consequencely, this historical progression resulted in the word "commerce" being predominent, while the word "regulate" remained in the background. However, the so-called ''constitutional revolution'' of the 1930s, brought the latter word to its present prominence.

Prior to reconsideration of the federal commerce power in the 1930s, the Court in effect followed a doctrine of ''dual federalism,'' under which Congress' power to regulate much activity depended on whether it had a ''direct'' rather than an ''indirect'' effect on interstate commerce. When the restrictive interpretation was swept away during and after the New Deal, the question of federalism limits respecting congressional regulation of private activities became moot. However, the States did in a number of instances engage in commercial activities that would be regulated by federal legislation if the enterprise were privately owned; the Court easily sustained application of federal law to these state proprietary activities, e.g., California v. United States, 320 U.S. 577 (1944); California v. Taylor, 353 U.S. 553 (1957). However, as Congress began to extend regulation to state governmental activities, the judicial response was inconsistent and wavering. For example, federal regulation of the wages and hours of certain state and local governmental employees has alternatively been upheld and invalidated. See Maryland v. Wirtz, 392 U.S. 183 (1968), overruled in National League of Cities v. Usery, 426 U.S. 833 (1976), overruled in Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Auth., 469 U.S. 528 (1985).

While the Court may shift again to constrain federal power on federalism grounds, at the present time the rule is that Congress lacks authority under the commerce clause to regulate the States as States in some circumstances, when the federal statutory provisions reach only the States and do not bring the States under laws of general applicability (New York v. United States, 112 S.Ct. 2408 (1992), the supremacy clause and the Tenth Amendment).

168 posted on 05/13/2006 4:54:24 PM PDT by raygun
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