Posted on 10/01/2005 2:18:13 PM PDT by RWR8189
WITH TOM DELAY ON THE sidelines, things will be different on Capitol Hill, especially for President Bush. The White House will no longer command an automatic majority in the House of Representatives--that is, the votes of nearly all 231 Republicans--on any bill the president endorses. In the shuffle that saw DeLay replaced as majority leader by Roy Blunt, Bush came out a loser.
This is counterintuitive because the Missouri Republican has a warmer relationship with the White House, particularly with deputy chief of staff Karl Rove, than DeLay ever did. Blunt's close ties with the president go back to 1999, when he was a member of Bush's presidential exploratory committee. DeLay's relationship with Bush has been less friendly, even distant at times, though both are Texas conservatives. But despite the White House's lack of appreciation for DeLay, he has been Bush's most important ally in Congress for the past five years.
DeLay's absence means the House will probably not vote this fall on the president's plan for Social Security reform--or even take it up. Bush wants the House to consider his plan, and DeLay had intended to put it on the schedule. But Blunt isn't likely to. On Katrina recovery, spending cuts, and immigration reform, DeLay would probably have pursued Bush's wishes. Blunt is more inclined to champion the preference of House Republicans on these issues. And they disagree sharply with the White House.
As you might expect, DeLay and Blunt have contrasting views of the role of majority leader. DeLay is a risk-taker who, like Bush, prefers a long-term approach. He believes the House should vote on issues that may not reach final enactment for years, if ever. Social Security reform is one example. DeLay's strategy is to use House approval to stir public approval and to prod the less conservative Senate to act.
Blunt is more cautious. For now anyway, his top priority is to protect House Republicans against losing their seats in next year's midterm election, which looks to be a perilous one for Republicans. He doesn't want to require a vote on Social Security reform when there's no chance the Senate will bring it up, much less pass it. In Blunt's view, House Republicans would be "left out to dry" on an issue that could harm their prospects for reelection.
On spending cuts to offset Katrina relief, DeLay's initial impulse was to say those couldn't be achieved. This was in line with White House thinking. But with both conservative and moderate Republicans in the House demanding offsets, Blunt won't stand in their way. "We're not talking about whether to cut spending," says Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, "but how much."
A Republican plan favored by conservatives and moderates alike would appropriate $50 billion on top of the $62 billion that's already been approved for Katrina relief. The $50 billion would be nearly offset by cuts already advocated by the White House, plus a 2 percent across-the-board spending reduction in nonmilitary federal programs. Blunt has privately spoken favorably of this plan. This would preclude a separate anti-poverty program in the Gulf region the White House is currently considering.
As a Republican leader, DeLay has been almost totally mischaracterized by the press. The nickname given DeLay by his political opponents--The Hammer--has been used in the media to reinforce his image as a no-holds-barred brute who pressures House Republicans to follow his lead. In truth, his value as a leader comes from his skills as a motivator and cheerleader and as a strategist. A moderate House Republican calls DeLay "our big political thinker."
Rep. Mike Pence of Indiana, leader of the 100-plus-member Republican Study Committee in the House, says of DeLay's resignation as majority leader: "The only thing it changes is everything. He wasn't our Robert E. Lee, but he was our Stonewall Jackson." Lee described Jackson as indispensable, not just his right hand but his right arm.
Notice Pence refers to DeLay in the past tense. It's quite possible DeLay will never return as majority leader, even if cleared of the charge against him. The first blow to his potential comeback came when House Republicans balked at the plan for Rep. David Dreier of California, the chairman of the Rules Committee, to join Blunt as co-temporary majority leader. This scheme had been worked out by DeLay and Speaker Denny Hastert, according to Republican members. By splitting the job, they would have made it easier for DeLay to resume majority leader duties once his case was resolved.
Most House Republicans learned of this plan from news reports on September 28, the day DeLay was indicted and stepped aside as majority leader. Both conservatives and moderates rebelled. Rep. Mark Kirk of Illinois, leader of the 35-member Wednesday Group of Republican moderates, met with Hastert at midday and urged the speaker to drop the Dreier plan. He said the chain of command should be followed, with the first sergeant (Blunt) succeeding the wounded lieutenant (DeLay). By the time Pence showed up for a meeting with Hastert two hours later, the speaker had jettisoned Dreier. Before Pence could utter a word, Hastert told him that Blunt alone would be the majority leader.
The biggest threat to DeLay's return is a formal election of a new majority leader. That would come in January if 50 members sign a petition asking for an election. Chances are, 50 will and Blunt will be elected. He'd no longer be a temporary appointee of Hastert. DeLay would be out, no matter what happened in his criminal case.
Unheralded by the media, Bush has managed some real successes in his second term, winning congressional approval of bankruptcy reform, curbs on class-action lawsuits, an energy bill, a transportation bill, and the Central American Free Trade Agreement. Katrina was a bump in the road for him. So is DeLay's exit.
Fred Barnes is executive editor of The Weekly Standard. His book on President Bush, Rebel-in-Chief, will be published in January by Crown Forum.
So Fred assumes Delay is powerless because he doesn't have the title? Fred, do not be naive. They've simply put a different temporary face up. Here they acknowledge his "new" title.
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1494770/posts
WASHINGTON -- Indicted Texas Rep. Tom DeLay will serve as a ''very powerful adviser'' to the Republican leadership while he battles the conspiracy charge that forced him to step aside as House majority leader, a GOP spokesman said Thursday.
''His experience and insight for over a decade of the Republican majority is invaluable to our leadership and to our members and will be used wisely,'' said Ron Bonjean, spokesman for Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.).
Fred Barnes, phttt snort
fyi
Barnes is always the GOP pessimist. He'll be wrong again.
OK, Freddy, you made me laugh-out-loud. Now quit kiddin' around!
ping
Actually, I find this an *optimistic* piece. Where the Bush admin wanted to go and the House majority wanted to go ... good stuff.
Where the House GOP was balking - opposing Bush's immigration plans, wanting spending cuts - was exactly where Bush was going non-conservative.
This change is good for conservatives, especially on the spending side. As for ...
"Blunt is more cautious. For now anyway, his top priority is to protect House Republicans against losing their seats in next year's midterm election, which looks to be a perilous one for Republicans."
... that won't be a bad idea, either.
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