Posted on 08/19/2005 12:09:29 AM PDT by Southack
ping
If he's siphoning from the ACLU he can't be all bad
This is a sickness.
Thanks for the post - - interesting stuff, and bookmarked.
Morris Dees -- Child Molester, Pervert, and Liar?
Part I
For the past several years, the Major Media has portrayed Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center as an "expert" on terrorism, militias, and the Patriot Movement.
Is Morris Dees a trustworthy and truthful source of information, on a subject so dear to the American people as their liberties?
Decide for yourself after reading the following court document.
http://www.zianet.com/wblase/endtimes/dees1.htm
At the time of the divorce, Morris' net worth, based upon his own
calculations, was $3,876,029 (R. 1252, et. seq; Def. Ex. 86-87; Stipulation,
R. 231). His annual income exceeds $230,000 (Def. Ex. 76-79), of which more
than $160,000 annually is derived from municipal bonds upon which Morris
pays no income tax (Def. Ex. 28).
B. The Cause Of The Break-up: Vicki Booker McGaha
If the guy committed a crime, prosecute him. An illegal alien shouldn't even have standing for a suit like this.
Sure seems these two have (the Salvadoran illegals).
Isn't there some law there stating a criminal cannot benefit from injuries recieved as a result of committing a crime?Probably not in this situation.
Morris' Step-Daughter. Holly Buck, Maureene's daughter
by a previous marriage, is eighteen years old (R. 728). She was
seven years old when her mother and Morris married, and she has
lived with them in the house at Mathews from then until the
separation (R. 728). Holly testified that, in the summer of 1977,
Morris attempted to molest her in the following incident (R. 729):
One night Maureene and Morris were sitting drinking wine and
discussing a case Morris was trying. She was with them. Around
eleven or twelve o'clock Maureene went to bed and Holly stayed up
with Morris discussing the case. Morris kept offering Holly wine,
some of which she accepted. At Morris' suggestion, they went
outside to the pool, and he suggested that they go for a swim, but
Holly was tired and declined (R. 731). She went to her room and
then went into the bathroom. Looking out the window, she saw Morris
in the bushes beside the bathroom window looking in (R. 731). She
said "Morris, is that you", but he said nothing and ran away (R.
732).
Two months later, she was asleep one night and Morris entered
her room from Ellie's room, through the bathroom. He was in his
underwear and he sat on the bed where Holly was lying on her stomach
facing away from the door. He touched her on the back and woke her
up. He told her that he had brough her a present, and he presented
her with a vibrator. He plugged it in and said he had brought it to
her. He proceeded to rub it on her back and said, "Let me show you
how to use it" (R. 733). She said that's not necessary, but he
started to place it between her legs when she raised he voice and
said no loudly. He then took the vibrator and left (R. 734).
All he had on was a pair of bikini underwear shorts (R. 734). About two
hours later, she had fallen back asleep and he came back in (R.
735). He brought the vibrator with him, plugged it in and said
again, "Let me show you how to use it." He tried to show her again
by putting it between her legs, but she raised her voice again and
he stopped. He took it and left (R. 635). She did not tell her
mother about this incident until the separation when they moved out
of the Mathews house in the spring of 1979 (R. 736).
The SPLC's fundraising practices have provoked the disapproval of watchdog groups that monitor charities: In 1993, the American Institute of Philanthropy assigned the SPLC a 'D' grade on a scale of A to F. [American Institute of Philanthropy 1993 Charity Watchdog Report]...
Today, the SPLC's treasury bulges with $120 million, and it spends twice as much on fund-raising-$5.76 million last year-as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses...
The SPLC which has crusaded for the rights of blacks for 23 years, is controlled by whites. It has hired only two black staff attorneys in its history, both of whom left unhappy. 12 of 13 former Black employees interviewed by the Montgomery Advertiser complained they experienced or observed racial problems during their employment. Several said the SPLC was "more like a plantation."...
In 1986 the entire SPLC legal staff resigned in protest of Dees refusal to address issues such as poverty, homelessness, voter registration and other issues they considered more pertinent to poor minorities rather than to get rich fighting a Klan chimera....
Dees has actively campaigned for for laws in which "associations of two or more persons" who train in the use of firearms for defensive purposes are declared "illegal militias."...
Then there darned sure should be.
Prosecution of violaen criminal acts against them, OK, (this ain't open season--yet, but with rulings like this, it could be. Nethercott might be doing less actual prison time if he had just shot them).
Medical expenses, OK.
Punitive damages? NO.
This is going to be the new gravy train for shysters and illegals alike if they can come across the border, claim to have been injured by someone and collect.
Better than Vegas, you don't need so much as a coin to hit the jackpot.
the tax-exempt SPLC flunked an audit by the Arlington-based Better Business Bureau's Wise Giving Alliance, which requires that "a reasonable percentage, at least 50 percent of total income from all sources, should be applied to programs and activities directly related to the purposes for which the organization exists."
...SPLC...spent 89 percent of its total income on fund-raising and administrative costs...
Granted, administrative costs tend to run high when executive salaries are in the six-figure range. For example,... Morris Dees, SPLC's chief trial lawyer, pulls down a cool $280,699...
You must remember, he's busy spending tax money and running for re-election. Such other frivolities must simply wait.
I'm sure our two comerades in D.C. Will have it on their "to do" list right below getting the US out of the UN. I'm not holding my breath on their account. Perhaps the State of Texas (And any other border state) should consider legislation to this effect.
At first, I thought this HAD to be a joke also but now I'm wondering if Soros or some other Anti-American Socialist billionaires haven't lined the pockets of or just outright bought everyone wearing a robe here in the US.
I need to go take a shower. I can not believe this Bull Manure. Geez...
So yeah, don't hold your breath.
MR. SLEAZE THE HOMOSEXUAL
Homosexuality and debauchery in general is a sensitive subject for Dees. His ex-wife of 10 years was finally forced to divorce him after at least one homosexual encounter Dees had with Charlie Springman (then head of the National Endowment of the Arts) on Aug. 11, 1978 in the famous Watergate Hotel. Mr. Sleaze orchestrated the encounter on the couple’s 10th wedding anniversary.
In addition, ex-wife Maureen Bass Dees cited in divorce documents numerous mistresses Dees had relations with, including that of her daughter-in-law and seven year-old daughter.10
The question of how such a man and his Center of Hate can pretend to serve as society’s moral crusader is a big one in the minds of many observers.
But then, should we really be surprised? What do we expect from the likes of Mr. Sleaze? His record shows he is not about morality, saving blacks from discrimination or protecting the liberties of Americans. His objectives are to destroy those he and his ADL handlers deem to be Identity, anti-New World Order and/or pro-gun; etc
******
Speaking at a Conference on Dismantling Racism, Morris Dees said, "'America is still deeply divided along a lot of lines. Sexual orientation ... gender lines, religion and especially class lines. Probably the line we're divided the deepest along is the racial line ...
Sunday, December 14, 2003
FBI Director's memo Full Of surprises
By J.D. Cash and Lt. Col. Roger Charles (U.S. Marine Corps Ret.) Copyright 2003 by McCurtain Daily Gazette
The McCurtain Daily Gazette has obtained an unclassified copy of a memorandum marked From the Director of the FBI containing several new facts that could impact the upcoming state murder trial of Terry Nichols, scheduled to begin March 1 in McAlester.
The electronic message was sent to the OKBOMB investigation task force and a select group of FBI offices around the nation some eight months after the 1995 federal building bombing in Oklahoma City left 168 dead.
The potentially explosive contents of the teletype, among other things, exposes an informant operation being conducted by nationally known civil rights lawyer Morris Dees through his organization the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC).
Exposed for the first time, the FBI acknowledged the SPLC was engaged in an undercover role where they monitored subjects for the FBI believed to be linked to executed bomber Timothy McVeigh, the white supremacist compound at Elohim City and the mysterious German national Andreas Carl Strassmeir.
Dated Jan. 4, 1996, the four-page cable was drafted and issued under the authority of FBI director Louis Freeh and is heavily redacted (portions blacked out).
Despite these redactions, the document clearly describes individuals the FBI believed were associated with the OKBOMB and BOMBROB cases – two high profile domestic terrorism cases the FBI was investigating as possibly connected.
Many of the details in this potentially explosive document have never been made public before.
The OKBOMB case focused several hundred FBI agents on the truck bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995.
The FBI’s BOMBROB investigation was much smaller. It involved a wide-ranging search for a group of neo-Nazi bank robbers in the mid-1990s whose stated goal was the overthrow of the U.S. government through violence.
Only days after the Jan. 4, 1996, cable was sent, the first two arrests were made in the BOMBROB case. Within 13 months of the electronic message, four more persons were jailed in connection with 22 bank robberies the radical rightwing group participated in across seven Midwestern states.
Each of the six individuals arrested in the BOMBROB case had ties to Elohim City, a Christian Identity paramilitary training camp near Muldrow.
Only two persons have ever been charged in the Oklahoma City bombing – the 20th Century’s most brutal act of domestic terrorism that left 149 adults and 19 children dead.
In 1997, McVeigh was found guilty and executed in 2001 for his role in the crime.
Nichols, McVeigh’s co-conspirator, is serving a life sentence handed down by a federal judge in 1998.
It is widely believed that when Nichols goes on trial in McAlester – facing an additional 161-counts of first-degree murder – his lawyers will point the finger at other conspirators who they believe can be linked to McVeigh and the bombing in Oklahoma City conspiracy.
Director warns of plan for Strassmeir’s escape
In the Jan. 4, 1996, document from the director, sketchy details of a plan are provided regarding an escape by a key subject wanted for questioning in the OKBOMB case. Facts would later emerge that this key individual also roomed with several members of the bank robbery gang rounded-up during the BOMBROB investigation.
Although his name was redacted, the key subject in the electronic message was Andreas Carl Strassmeir. He was a person the FBI officially listed as “possibly armed and may be dangerous” and who the director expected to cross the Mexican border “in the near future.”
Inexplicably, none of the offices that received this memo were in the state of Texas where Strassmeir had just arrived and was expected to make his escape across the Mexican border.
Other documents obtained by this newspaper indicate Strassmeir entered Mexico within a very short time of the director’s statements predicting the move. Strassmeir made his way to Germany and the safety of his politically connected family in Berlin.
Equally difficult to understand, FBI agents apparently did not go to a residence in North Carolina noted in the electronic message where Strassmeir had been staying with a friend prior to his escape from the U.S.
This newspaper first reported that Strassmeir had been singled out for arrest by the ATF in early 1995, but those plans were thwarted by the Oklahoma City FBI office.
The Tulsa ATF office sought an arrest warrant in early 1995 for Strassmeir after an informant, Carol E. Howe, told them about a plot at Elohim City to bomb federal installations, commit mass shootings and kill large numbers of Americans.
Ms. Howe identified Strassmeir as one of the ringleaders in the plot.
Tulsa ATF officials were able to determine that the heavily armed German national was an illegal overstay on his travel visa, therefore subject to arrest on a host of charges.
However, last minute efforts by then-FBI special agent in charge of the Oklahoma City field office, Bob Ricks, scrubbed plans for Strassmeir’s arrest when the FBI agent contacted U.S. Attorney Steve Lewis in Tulsa and complained about the ATF plan to raid Elohim City.
When this newspaper discovered documents confirming the FBI interdiction, Ricks sought to explain his actions by saying he successfully lobbied against Strassmeir’s arrest in late February of 1995 because he wanted to avoid another Waco-style disaster by the ATF.
Months after the Oklahoma bombing, Strassmeir fled Elohim City and began hiding in Black Mountain, North Carolina. after this newspaper discovered and reported on a phone call to Elohim City from McVeigh was linked to him.
Nichols not a conspirator?
Also contained in the four-page document is a remarkable statement that raises doubts about the FBI’s belief that Nichols was a conspirator in the OKBOMB case.
Regarding this revelation, the memo again describes the telephone call widely believed to have been made by McVeigh to Elohim City where Strassmeir and several members of a bank robbery gang were living on April 5, 1995.
The FBI director makes the following observation:
“Prior OKBOMB investigation determined that (name redacted) had placed a telephone call to (name redacted) on 4/5/95 a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack.”(Emphasis added)
Thus, a plain reading of the Jan. 4, 1996, memo suggests the FBI director did not believe a second conspirator in the bombing existed on April 5, 1995 – an embarrassing admission, indeed, considering that during two trials in 1997, federal prosecutors argued that Nichols was deeply involved in the bomb plot dating back to Sept. of 1994.
Morris Dees’ informant?
Also disclosed for the first time are references by the FBI director to an informant working for the Birmingham, Alabama-based Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), headed by civil right’s attorney Morris Dees and who was present at Elohim City in the critical hours leading up to the bombing in Oklahoma City.
Referring to a telephone call on April 17, 1995 (alleged to have been from McVeigh), the memo states: “(Name redacted) telephone call from (name redacted) on or about 4/17/95, two days prior to the OKBOMB attack, when (name redacted) of the SPLC, was in the white supremacist compound at (redacted), Oklahoma, notes the director. (Emphasis added)
References to an informant working for the SPLC at Elohim City on the eve of the Oklahoma City bombing raises serious questions as to what the SPLC might know about McVeigh’s activities during the final hours before the fuse was lit in Oklahoma City – but which the SPLC has failed to disclose publicly.
Questioned during a press conference at Southeastern Oklahoma State University in Durant recently, Dees confirmed someone from his organization was inside the white supremacist compound at Elohim City on April 17, 1995.
“If I told you what we were doing there, I would have to kill you,” Dees replied when pressed to explain what this person was doing at a terrorist training camp.
Dees did acknowledge that his information network long ago established that McVeigh had been to Elohim City before the bombing.
“But we didn’t have him on our radar screen until he was arrested,” Dees said.
Dees has written a number of books and articles about the militia movement in this country.
Many have criticized Dees’ attacks on right-wing militias and gun owners in the U.S. as inaccurate, exploitive and designed to get donations to his tax-exempt foundation, which receives substantial contributions each year.
The director’s electronic message also alludes to a person at the Oklahoma white supremacist compound described by the FBI head as a subject with an allegedly, “…. lengthy relationship with one of the two indicted OKBOMB conspirators (emphasis added).”
John Millar, a church elder at Elohim City, told the McCurtain Daily Gazette, “I don’t know who was out here back then. It doesn’t surprise me that a bunch of Jews that work for Dees and that Southern Poverty (SPLC) bunch would be spying on us. They don’t understand our message or anything about us. Why don’t you ever write about the fact that no one has ever found a link to McVeigh here?”
Until this memo surfaced, spokespersons for the FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice steadfastly denied they had any reliable information concerning any relationship between either McVeigh or Nichols and subjects living at or who had frequented the Elohim City compound before the bombing.
Attorney Stephen Jones, who represented McVeigh at trial in Denver, Colo., said he was not provided this information from the government despite repeated motions filed with the court.
“We filed motions with the judge specifically asking for details of surveillance activities at Elohim City and other places. We were told by prosecutors that they had no records. Now you have some of them,” Jones explained.
“Also, as you know the FBI kept saying they had no information linking McVeigh to Elohim City beyond the one phone call on April 5. Well, as you can see, there’s much more than that here.”
Attorneys representing Nichols are bound by a gag order and unable to comment on the contents of this new information or whether they had copies of the material this newspaper had received.
A spokesman for the FBI office in Oklahoma City, Gary Johnson, said, “The FBI still stands by the results of the most expensive and thorough investigation in history.
“We arrested everyone in this crime and these conspiracy stories just waste our time.”
Andy the German to flee
As noted earlier, one of the principal subjects referred to in the memo from the director of the FBI is Andreas Strassmeir, a foreign national with extensive military training the FBI identified as the person responsible for providing terrorist training to a number of neo-Nazi skinheads at Elohim City in the early and mid-90s.
Despite obvious links to bombing conspirator McVeigh at such a crucial time in the plot – and the fact that several of the German’s neo-Nazi roommates and trainees later went to prison for criminal activities including murder, bank robbery, bombings, weapons violations and a conspiracy to overthrow the U.S. government – the DOJ has said that Strassmeir was never officially questioned by the FBI while living for over seven years in the U.S. – much of that time after his visa had expired.
Days after the director’s memo was sent to the OKBOMB command post and five FBI field offices, Strassmeir crossed the Mexican border with the assistance of a former member of the U.S. Special Forces, David Holloway.
Strassmeir’s flamboyant attorney, Kirk Lyons of Black Mountain, N.C., issued a bizarre statement after his client fled the U.S., admitting the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation (a non-profit organization established to help the victims of the Waco massacre) provided the money for Strassmeir’s escape.
Lyons, the managing director of the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation, quickly confirmed that Strassmeir received help in the escape with one of the foundation’s associates, Holloway, with additional assistance provided by an elite corps of German counter-terrorism troops after the pair exited the U.S.
Although Strassmeir was wanted for questioning in the OKBOMB case at the time of his escape and was illegally in the U.S. at the time - and those facts were known to his attorney when he crossed the Mexican border with a member of the C.A.U.S.E. Foundation - attorney Kirk Lyons has never been charged with harboring a fugitive, obstructing justice or disciplined by the North Carolina Bar Association for his admitted role in assisting a client elude federal authorities.
(Special thanks to John Solomon with the Washington, D.C., AP office for his generous help and contributions that made this story possible.)
May 7, 2001
NEA Selects Morris Dees as Friend of Education. The National Education Association has selected Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) as its 2001 Friend of Education, an award previously given to such luminaries as Senators Ted Kennedy and Hillary Rodham Clinton. It will be interesting to see what the selection of Dees, often credited with putting the Ku Klux Klan out of business in Alabama, has upon the avowed leftists among NEA’s delegates, who are far from one mind about Dees’s achievements.
For at least six years, noted left-wing journalists such as Alexander Cockburn, Jeffrey St. Clair and Ken Silverstein have criticized Dees as someone who fills his own pockets while "frightening elderly liberals into ponying up contributions with the fantasy that the heirs to Adolf Hitler are about to come marching down Main Street, lynching blacks and putting the Jews into gas ovens."
Harper’s published a piece in November 2000 entitled "The Church of Morris Dees" in which Silverstein quotes a former Dees associate calling Dees "the Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker of the civil rights movement, though I don’t mean to malign Jim and Tammy Faye." Silverstein writes that the SPLC has an endowment of over $120 million, but spends twice as much on fund-raising as it does on legal services for victims of civil rights abuses. Dees himself made $273,000 in 1999 and was named to the Direct Marketing Association’s Hall of Fame.
In The New York Press last January, Cockburn called Dees and the SPLC "collectively one of the greatest frauds in American life," and quoted a former Dees partner as saying that the SPLC was "little more than a 900 number." Cockburn also cited an SPLC "special report" which claimed the groups that put together the Seattle anti-WTO demonstrations, including environmental groups and labor unions, had been infiltrated by "the hard-edged soldiers of neofascism."
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