The Druse & Jewish soul searching (in Israel)

Dec. 22, 2004 1:29 | Updated Dec. 22, 2004 16:30
The Druse & Jewish soul searching
By AMNON RUBINSTEIN

Azzam Azzam, an Israeli-Arab jailed in Egypt since 1996 after being convicted for spying for Israel, surrounded by family members, arrives to his village of Mughar in northern Israel, Sunday Dec. 5, 2004.
Photo: AP

Barely did we have time to catch our breath after the release of Azzam Azzam from Egypt than we were jolted out of our euphoria by news of the deaths of five Beduin soldiers killed in the bombing of the Rafah outpost.

Both cases involve non-Jewish Israelis who feel and show solidarity with the State of Israel. And both events are cause for soul-searching on the part of Jewish Israelis.

The celebrations surrounding Azzam's release were an example of true Israeli joy, a genuine outpouring of exultation and delight that was only natural.

Azzam had been rotting in an Egyptian prison under inhuman conditions for eight years for something he did not do, and even those who toiled to free him had almost lost all hope of ever seeing him return safe and sound.

The sight of an overjoyed Azzam wrapped in an Israeli flag gave us all a sense of celebration.

Azzam was tried in Cairo on trumped-up charges, in an atmosphere of anti-Israeli hysteria created by the Egyptian press, and incarcerated under horrific conditions. Although this was an egregious violation of Azzam's human rights, we heard nary a word of protest – not even a whisper – from any of the human rights organizations.

We have long become accustomed to Jews finding no succor from the human rights community – unless protection from their own government is involved. No one protested the abduction of Hizbullah hostage Elhanan Tannenbaum by a United Nations member state, or his being held hostage in violation of his human rights.

In the human rights community, Jewish Israelis are not deemed worthy of protection. They are not viewed as having been created in God's image.

The silence regarding Azzam's fate proves it is not only Jewish Israelis whose human rights are deemed undeserving of protection; Israelis who are not Jewish and who demonstrate loyalty to the state and serve in its army are also considered outside the bounds of human rights protection.

The joy over Azzam's release, just like the shock and sorrow at the deaths of the Beduin soldiers killed in Rafah, can teach us something about ourselves as a society.

It refutes the claim that Jewish society in Israel is separatist and prejudiced, isolating itself from anything and anyone that is not Jewish. Indeed, the service of non-Jews in the Israel Defense Forces is a test that can be used to measure the attitude of Jews in Israel toward others, independent of the burden of the national, existential conflict.

In this respect, the Druse community presents a true test case of the essence of Israel as a democratic society.

The members of the Druse (and Circassian) community not only serve in the army, but also demonstrate unswerving and outstanding loyalty to the state.

According to University of Haifa findings, as presented at the Herzliya Conference last week by Prof. Gabriel Ben-Dor, the level of Israeli patriotism among Israeli Druse is very high and close to that of Jews: 4.76 among Jews and 3.96 for Druse.

From this Druse test, we emerge with good marks for sentiment, but much lower marks for action.

The Druse and Circassian communities are not yet full partners with Israeli Jews – not in representation, wages or allocation of land and water resources. The Beduin whose sons give their lives in defense of our state have not even won recognition of their towns.

In the next government, the Druse who serve to protect our shared homeland will have no representation, but those who do not serve in the IDF (and who preach to others not to serve) will enjoy full representation.

The Druse community is worthy of representation at all levels of government and of full equality in all governmental allocations and budgets.

The Beduin deserve to see an end to the conflict over land (perhaps by means of top-level mediation). We need to conclude the disgrace of their living in "unrecognized" villages. We need to see a massive investment in their education institutions.

Does equality of this kind have to come at the expense of inequality of the large Arab population of Muslims and Christians?

Under no circumstances. The equality to which the Druse, Circassians and Beduin are entitled should serve as a precedent for the equality of rights and responsibilities of all Israel's residents, without discrimination based on religion or nationality.

And how can we demonstrate the preference of those that already serve in the army?

By rewarding IDF service individually in the form of payment of a minimum wage for each month of service.

While this compensation may be costly, it will provide enormous benefit. It will encourage service in the army and push the IDF to weigh economic-social considerations, shorten army service, and reward the non-Jews – Druse and Circassians – who complete full service in the IDF.

The writer, founder of the Shinui movement and a former education minister, is dean of the Radzyner School of Law at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya.

Is there this sort of soul searching over minority rights anywhere in the Arab world? We hear Israel called an apartheid state yet our minorities are not persecuted and there is genuine concern about equal rights in Israel. The Palestinians, by contrast insist their territories be Judenrein.

There are no churches in Saudi Arabia. There are certainly no synagogues. All is forbidden except Wahabi Islam.

Tell me, who really practices apartheid in the Middle East?

I've said many times, if Arabs ever get over the idea of Israelis and Americans as "occupiers" they'll see who's really occupying their countries.

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