Posted on 11/29/2004 5:10:35 PM PST by Ed Current
[O]ur sages in the great [constitutional] convention
intended our government should be a republic which differs more widely from a democracy than a democracy from a despotism. The rigours of a despotism often
oppress only a few, but it is the very essence and nature of a democracy, for a faction claiming to oppress a minority, and that minority the chief owners of the property and truest lovers of their country.
-- Fisher Ames, American statesman, 1805
Indeed, the process set forth in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution of the United States does not even guarantee a popular vote for president. As the U.S. Supreme Court in Bush v. Gore, supra,148 L Ed 2nd at 398, acknowledged, "[t]he individual citizen has no federal constitutional right to vote for the President of the United States unless and until the state legislature chooses a statewide election as a means to implement its power to appoint members of the Electoral College." That decision not to prescribe a popular, nationwide election of the president was no accident, but was an integral part of the deliberate design of Americas founders to create a federal republic, not a national democracy.
A Republic, If You Can Keep It
At the close of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia on September 18, 1787, a Mrs. Powell, anxiously awaiting the results, pressed Benjamin Franklin as he emerged from Independence Hall. She asked, "Well doctor, what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?" Franklin quickly replied, "A republic, if you can keep it."
From anti-federalist John Taylor to federalist Fisher Ames; from James Madison of Virginia to Noah Webster of Massachusetts, Americans believed that they had founded a republic, thereby charting a middle course between the Scylla of a monarchy and the Charybdis of a democracy.
John Taylor, the preeminent theorist of Jeffersonian Old Republicanism, proclaimed that "[a] federal republic is the best for maintaining a republican form of government over a country so extensive as the United States," dividing power "between Federal and State departments to restrain ambitious men in both." (J. Taylor, Tyranny Unmasked 263 (Liberty Fund: 1992)) In a series of essays on "Monarchical versus Republican Government," federalist Fisher Ames warned against appeals to "the will of the people," claiming them to be mere camouflage for demagogues to seize tyrannical power without regard for the rule of law. (I Works of Fisher Ames 116-186 (Liberty Fund: 1983))
In Federalist numbers 10, 14, and 48, Madison insisted that the new Constitution established a republic, not a democracy, emphasizing in Federalist No. 10
that a "Republican" form of government protected the people from the dangers of tyranny of the majority. In his "Examination into the Leading Principles of the Federal Constitution," Noah Webster, writing as an American citizen, extolled the virtues of the American republics bicameral legislature; the very design of which was to protect the people from rash and hasty laws passed by a transient, passionate majority.
This unity among Americas founding statesmen remained unbroken as late as 1945, 158 years after the ratification of the Constitution, when the 79th Congress of the United States unhesitatingly approved, by joint resolution, the official pledge of allegiance to the flag of the United States, containing the phrase "and to the Republic for which it stands." Yet 60 years later, on the cusp of the 21st century, this affirmation that America is a republic, like the pledge itself, has fallen from favor. In its place is a new declaration that America is, and always has been, a democracy.
Indeed, there is hardly a voice left in Congress, much less in the White House, Republican or Democrat, who refers to our nations government as a republic. Even President Bush declared that his election to the presidency was a vindication of the integrity of "American democracy." In doing so, the new president was simply following suit. For several decades, Americas political leaders have been promoting the virtues of Americas "democratic ideal" within, by shaping public policy according to the latest opinion polls, and at the same time, exporting democracy abroad, by employing American military power to reshape other nations governments to conform more closely to "the will of the people." Both goals stand, however, in direct contradiction to Americas founding principles.
America Is Not A Democracy
Those who insist that the United States of America is a democracy rest their claim on the foundational principle in the nations charter, the Declaration of Independence, "[t]hat governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." To support this claim, they point to the preamble of the Constitution of the United States which begins "We, the people of the United States
do ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States." Additionally, they rely upon statements such as the one that appears in Article I, Section1 of the Florida constitution that "[a]ll political power is inherent in the people," a phrase that appears in one form or another in every one of the 50 state constitutions.
Such statements do not, however, support the proposition that the civil governments in America are democracies quite the contrary. Read in context, all of these statements support the proposition that Americas governments are republican in form, not democratic.
First, although the Declaration of Independence does affirm that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it does not, however, declare that governments derive their purposes from the consent of the governed. Rather the Declaration of Independence avers that those purposes are derived from the nature of a created order, an order in which all mankind are endowed with certain "inalienable rights," namely life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Therefore, the Declaration of Independence concludes that governments are instituted to secure these rights, not to enforce the will of the governed.
Second, although the Constitution of the United States does affirm that the people ordained and established the government of the United States, they did so, not to promote the will of the people, but to "establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity
." Likewise, although the state constitutions affirm that all power is inherent in the people, they did not establish state governments to obey the will of the people, but to ensure that all individuals enjoy their pre-existing rights of life, liberty, and property with which they have been naturally endowed.
To achieve these purposes, the people of the United States and of the several states well knew that a government under the direct control of the people was downright dangerous, because, as James Madison put it in Federalist No. 10, "there is nothing to check the inducements [of a majority] to sacrifice the weaker party, or an obnoxious individual." Thus, Madison contended, that a major task for any people seeking a government to protect life, liberty, and property was to "prevent" the majority from imposing "injustice and violence" on individuals who did not share the majoritys "passion or interest."
To that end, Madison and his constitutional colleagues chose a republican, not a democratic form of government.
The Nations Republican Form of Government
At the heart of a democratic form of government is the rule of the majority, unhindered by law. As the Florida Supreme Court, in support of its initial ruling extending the statutory deadlines for recounting the votes in the 2000 presidential elections, explained: "[T]he will of the people, not a hyper-technical reliance upon statutory provisions, should be our guiding principle in election cases
." By contrast, in Bush v. Gore, Chief Justice William Rehnquist, writing for himself and two of his colleagues, declared that the rule of the Constitution, in that case the power of the Florida legislature, prevails over any judicial attempt to vindicate the power of the people.
The foremost distinction between a democratic form of government and a republican one, is the subordination of the power of the majority to the rule of law. To accomplish this, there must be rules of law that prevent the majority from imposing their will through the election process. The Constitution of the United States is replete with such safeguards. Not only is the legislative power divided between the House of Representatives and the Senate, but also the number of senators is determined not in proportion to the population, but equally state by state. Even the U.S. House, the membership of which is proportionate to the population, guarantees to each state, regardless of population, at least one representative.
Additionally, a bill does not become law simply upon the vote of a majority of the members of both chambers of Congress. It is subject to the veto of the president, which can only be overridden by a two-thirds majority in both chambers. In addition, as previously mentioned, the state-by-state process by which the president is elected does not guarantee to a nationwide majority of the people the power to elect the president.
Not only do these political checks and balances exist, but there is also the separation of powers among the three branches of government. Even if a majority of the people voted for the president, the head of the executive branch, that same majority cannot elect the members of the legislative branch, thereby ensuring that the elected officials of the two branches answers to different constituencies of the people. As for the judicial branch, its members are not elected, but appointed, and although the president has the power of appointment of federal judges, that power is subject to the advice and consent of the Senate.
Not only does the Constitution diffuse the powers of government within the federal government, but also it divides the powers of government between two independent and sovereign entities, the federal and the 50 states. As a government of enumerated powers, Congress, the president and the courts are forbidden by the Tenth Amendment from exercising the police power which belongs exclusively to the states.
Finally, the constitutional provisions establishing the system of checks and balances, separation of powers, and a federal union may not be changed by a majority of the people, but only by an amendment process requiring majority votes of two-thirds to propose and three-fourths to ratify. In addition, even these supra majority requirements cannot be exercised directly by the people, but only by their elected representatives.
All of these limits have been placed upon the federal government by the people whose elected state representatives proposed the adoption of the Constitution, and whose elected representatives ratified the Constitution in conventions assembled in each of the original states. By so establishing these safeguards against the absolute rule of a majority, the people of the United States unquestionably created not a democracy, but a republic, which John Adams succinctly defined as a government "bound by fixed laws, which the people have a voice in making, and a right to defend." (J. Adams, "Novanglus No. VII," reprinted in The Revolutionary Writings of John Adams 227 (Liberty Fund: 2000))
The 50 States Republican Form of Government
Not only does the Constitution of the United States prescribe a republican form of government for the nation, but also, by Article IV, Section 4, commands the United States to "guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government
." Each of the 13 original states entered the union, having already formed governments which were republican in form, including political checks and balances and separation of powers in their respective constitutions. Additionally, those same states came into the union subject to the principles of the Declaration of Independence, thereby committing each state to enact laws to secure the inherent individual rights of life, liberty, and property, not to implement the will of the people.
To ensure that future states admitted to the union were subject in like manner to the republican principles of the nations charter, Congress, even before the ratification of the Constitution of the United States, resolved that new states formed out of the Northwest Territories would be "republican
with the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence as the other states." (Sources of Our Liberties 387-88 (R. Perry, ed., Amer. Bar. Found.: 1978)) Thus, the Northwest Ordinance, adopted by Congress, prescribed that the newly formed states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin would be admitted to the Union on an "equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatsoever
." (Id. At 397 emphasis added)
Prior to the admission of these states, and thereafter, all of the states of the Union have been admitted on the "same footing" (Coyle v. Oklahoma, 221 U.S. 559 (1911)), thereby fulfilling the obligation of the United States to guarantee each state a republican form of government.
As to preserving that republican form, the United States Supreme Court has consistently declined to impose a legal definition of a republican form of government, leaving it to Congress to enforce that guarantee by the exercise of Congresss power to admit to, or exclude from, that body a states elected representatives and senators. (See Coleman v. Miller, 307 U.S. 433,454-56 (1939)). As for Congress, it has not seen fit to intervene in the internal governmental affairs of the states, leaving it to the people of those states to determine the specific republican form of government by which they will be ruled.
It is certainly arguable that some states have approved some democratic procedures that depart from the pure republican form. For example, the initiative and referendum, whereby the people of some states, by constitutional amendment, have reserved to themselves the power to propose and enact laws independently of the legislative assembly, as well as to approve or reject any act of that body, thereby making it possible for public policy to be made directly by a majority without the political accountability of a representative assembly. (See Federalist No. 10.) Such powers are, however, limited by law to "single subjects" and to legislative and executive implementation. To date, no state has substituted a system of direct democracy in which the people "assemble and administer the Government in person." (Federalist 10)
Conclusion
Just under 200 years ago, Fisher Ames penned an essay warning the people of America not to place confidence in the democratic ideal whereby governments are structured to reflect the will of the people. While the "power of the people is their liberty," he wrote, the people "can have no liberty without strong
restraints upon their power." (I Works of Fisher Ames, supra, at 5) Americas founders knew this to be true because they had studied the history of democracies and discovered that they inevitably destroyed both the morals and liberties of the people. If the modern-day drive for democracy in the nation continues, the American people will experience a similar fate.
There are several paragraphs about the 2000 election that most are probably familiar with.
Next time you hear someone parroting MSM agitation-propaganda bemoaning the Electoral Votes defeat of Will O. DePeople and demanding repeal of that provision CBS News | Hillary Calls For End To Electoral College | November ..., you might shove a copy of this in their face - provided they can read.
We are a constitutional republic that has been 100% under the control of two private associations, the Republican and Democrat parties.
Nowhere in the Constitution does it entrust full authority for the running of the government to 2 private organizations.
Technically we are first a duopolistic oligarchy.
bump
The tyranny of the majority.
The chief problem of American political life for a long time has been how to make the two [major] parties more national and international. The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one, perhaps, of the Right and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to doctrinaire and academic thinkers. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can "throw the rascals out" at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy.... [E]ither party in office becomes in time corrupt, tired, unenterprising, and vigorless. Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other party, which will be none of those things but will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately the same basic policies. http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/2004/11-29-2004/divide.htm
mmmm, democratic republic anyone?
BUMP
"democratic republic anyone?"
Not from me you won't hear it.
When I was in school some 60+ years ago I would have been smacked with a ruler if I had said it!
bump
Bump for later read.
-- "Not only does the Constitution diffuse the powers of government within the federal government, but also it divides the powers of government between two independent and sovereign entities, the federal and the 50 states.
As a government of enumerated powers, Congress, the president and the courts are forbidden by the Tenth Amendment from exercising the police power which belongs exclusively to the states."
-- The 10th also mentions that powers are "prohibited by it to the States".
Thus, States do not have unlimited police powers, as they are restrained by the Constitution & its Amendments.
I thought of a (IMHO) good argument against abolishing the electoral college. Point to the red/blue map of the election and say that those little islands of blue in the map is where hooligans riot, burn cars, smash windows in businesses and throw rocks and other objects when their sports team wins a championship. Ask, "are those the type people you want deciding who our president is?"
im glad we had elctoral college in 2000
BUMP.
This needs to stay bumped.
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