"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT"
An International Newsletter
In-Depth Ukrainian News, Analysis, and Commentary
"The Art of Ukrainian History, Culture, Arts, Business, Religion,
Sports, Government, and Politics, in Ukraine and Around the World"
UKRAINE ISN'T RUSSIA'S TO STEAL
"While constructive cooperation makes sense, there are times when the United States must draw a line - unless we intend to make a mockery of our support for freedom and democracy.
This is one of those times. President Bush should not let a bunch of gangsters in Kiev and the sons of the KGB in Moscow destroy the hopes of a major European state. Ukraine isn't Russia's to steal.
The people of Ukraine who went to the polls to elect Viktor Yushchenko as their president, who want to be democratic, Western and free, need to hear from the White House. So does Mr. Putin.
If we allow Ukraine's freedom to be destroyed without so much as a murmur from our president, we will have betrayed the ideals we claim to support at home, in Iraq and around the world." [article fifteen]
"THE ACTION UKRAINE REPORT" Year 04, Number 229
The Action Ukraine Coalition (AUC), Washington, D.C.
Ukrainian Federation of America (UFA), Huntingdon Valley, PA morganw@patriot.net, ArtUkraine.com@starpower.net (ARTUIS) Washington, D.C., Kyiv, Ukraine, WEDNESDAY, November 24, 2004
-----INDEX OF ARTICLES-----
"Major International News Headlines and Articles"
1. RALLY AGAINST UKRAINE VOTE SWELLS
Nation Is at 'Threshold of a Civil Conflict,' Opposition Candidate Says By Peter Finn, Washington Post Foreign Service The Washington Post, Washington, D.C. Wed, Nov 24, 2004, Large front page center story, two color photos
2. "THE NEW IRON CURTAIN"
OP-ED by Anne Applebaum, Columnist
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, November 24, 2004; Page A21
3. UKRAINIAN ELECTION DENOUNCED
Protesters at Embassy Spotlight Charges of Fraud in Balloting By Manny Fernandez, Washington Post Staff Writer The Washington Post, Wednesday, November 24, 2004; Page A17
4. FOR THE U.S., A BALANCING ACT ON UKRAINE
White House Seeks to Support Election Protesters
Without Angering Russia's Putin
By Glenn Kessler, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Wed, Nov 24, 2004; Page A17
5. STATEMENT BY U.S. SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS
COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN SENATOR RICHARD LUGAR IN KYIV
Statement by U.S. Senate Foreign Relations
Committee Chairman Richard Lugar
U.S. Embassy, Kiev, Ukraine, Mon, Nov 22, 2004
6. SENATOR MCCAIN STATEMENT OF ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE
Office of U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ)
United States Senate, Washington, D.C., Monday, Nov 22, 2004
7. FORMER PRESIDENT OF POLAND LECH WALESA
ASKED TO COME TO UKRAINE BY VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO
Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
8. UPRISING IN UKRAINE:
WORLD UNITES BEHIND OPPOSITION LEADER
Anne Penketh Diplomatic Editor
The Independent, London, United Kingdom, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
9. FORMER CZECH PRESIDENT HAVEL THROWS HIS WEIGHT
BEHIND UKRAINE'S VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO
AP, Prague, Czech Republic, Tue, Nov 23, 2004
10. "UKRAINE'S RAPE BY ELECTIONS"
OP-ED: By Ariel Cohen
TechCentralStation, Washington, D.C., Tue, Nov 23, 2004
11. "RUSSIA EAGER TO PLEASE TRIUMPHANT BUSH TEAM"
By Columnist Angela Charlton
Russian News and Information Agency-Novovsti
Moscow, Russia, Monday, Nov. 22, 2004
12. VOTE'S OUTCOME SEEN AS DEFINING MOMENT FOR MOSCOW
By Arkady Ostrovsky in Moscow
Financial Times, London, UK, Tue, Nov 23, 2004
13. EU THREATENS CONSEQUENCES FOR UKRAINE
"It is our duty to say we are not satisfied with the
way the elections took place in Ukraine." By Constant Brand, AP, Brussels, Belgium, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
14. INTELLECTUALS IN SUPPORT OF DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE
Dr. Natalia Pylypiuk, Associate Professor
Modern Languages and Cultural Studies
University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada
Tuesday, November 23, 2004
15. "HOW TO STEAL A COUNTRY"
OP-ED: by Ralph Peters
New York Post, New York, NY, Wed, Nov. 24, 2004
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE
1. "RALLY AGAINST UKRAINE VOTE SWELLS"
Nation Is at 'Threshold of a Civil Conflict,' Opposition Candidate Says
By Peter Finn, Washington Post Foreign Service
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.
Wed, Nov 24, 2004, Large front page center story, two color photos
KIEV, Ukraine, Nov. 23 -- Opposition presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko took a symbolic oath of office in his country's parliament Tuesday as supporters -- whose numbers swelled to an estimated 200,000 -- rallied in the frigid capital to challenge official vote counts that gave an insurmountable lead to his opponent, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych.
The risk of violent unrest in this former Soviet republic of 48 million people heightened as both sides claimed victory and stepped up their rhetoric following a vote Sunday that Western monitors said was marked by widespread fraud.
"Ukraine is on the threshold of a civil conflict," Yushchenko said in parliament. "We have two choices: Either the answer will be given by the parliament, or the streets will give an answer." Supporters wearing ribbons, neckerchiefs and neckties of the campaign's trademark orange color cheered as he took the oath, which had no legal merit.
In the face of the protests and strong condemnation from the United States and the European Union, the government appeared to hesitate. President Leonid Kuchma, who supported Yanukovych, called for negotiations, and there was no sign of a general mobilization of security forces.
"We strongly support efforts to review the conduct of the election and urge Ukrainian authorities not to certify results until investigations of organized fraud are resolved," the White House said in a statement.
Russia, which backed Yanukovych, dismissed foreign charges of electoral fraud as premature and arrogant. "We cannot recognize or protest results that are not yet official," President Vladimir Putin told reporters during a state visit to Lisbon. "Ukraine is a state of law. It doesn't need to be lectured."
With 99.48 percent of precincts counted, Yanukovych had 49.39 percent of the vote compared with 46.71 percent for Yushchenko. The results were official but not final. Exit polls had put Yushchenko well ahead.
Yushchenko supporters continued to mass in Kiev's Independence Square on Tuesday, their numbers reaching an estimated 200,000 as people arrived from different parts of the country following calls for help from Yushchenko. Many skirted police roadblocks to reach the city.
"We need to get as many Ukrainians as possible into Kiev," said Sergei Gayday, a senior strategist with the Yushchenko campaign. He said the goal was to bring out more than 1 million people while seeking redress from either parliament or the Supreme Court.
Several thousand protesters were facing riot police Tuesday night near the offices of President Kuchma in a standoff that so far has remained peaceful. Across the city, dozens of small clusters of Yushchenko supporters could be seen. Protests also expanded in other cities. Busloads of Yanukovych supporters, mostly young men, have also arrived in Kiev, but so far have stayed in the background.
A senior Western diplomat said Kuchma has been warned that the government should neither certify Yanukovych as the official winner nor use violence to end the demonstrations. The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, also said Yushchenko and his supporters have been counseled to exercise restraint. Both camps were divided over whether to escalate their efforts, according to diplomats and strategists with each campaign.
The government is debating whether to wait out the protests or put them down, one government adviser said. Though Kuchma called for negotiations on state television Tuesday night and said the government would not use violence, he stopped short of meeting U.S. and European demands for a
review of the election. -30- [Action Ukraine Monitoring Service]
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A6555-2004Nov23.html
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER TWO
2. "THE NEW IRON CURTAIN"
OP-ED by Anne Applebaum, Columnist
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, November 24, 2004; Page A21
Before the election, the government mobilized groups of thugs to harass voters. On the day of the election, police prevented thousands of opposition activists from voting at all. Nevertheless, when the votes were counted, it was clear that the opposition had won by a large margin. As a result, the ruling party decided to falsify the result, and declared victory. Immediately, the Russians sent their fraternal congratulations.
No, that was not a description of the presidential election that took place last Sunday in Ukraine. It was a description of the referendum that took place in Soviet-occupied communist Poland in June 1946. Although blatantly falsified, that referendum provided the spurious legitimacy that allowed Poland's Soviet-backed communist leadership to remain in power for the subsequent half-century.
But although that infamous Polish election took place nearly 60 years ago, there are good reasons why descriptions make it sound so much like last weekend in Ukraine. According to the Committee of Civic Voters, a volunteer group with branches all over Ukraine, the techniques haven't changed much in 60 years. In the Sumy region, they record, a member of the electoral commission was beaten up by unidentified thugs. At one polling station, "criminals" disrupted the voting and destroyed the ballot boxes with clubs. In Cherkassy, a polling site inspector was found dead. More "criminals" broke polling station windows and destroyed ballot boxes. In the Zaporozhye region and in Kharkov, observers saw buses transporting voters from one polling station to the next.
There was, in other words, not much that was subtle about the disruption of the election -- no arguments about hanging chads or "secret software" here -- and not much that was surprising about the result. Polls taken before and after the vote showed a large margin of support for Viktor Yushchenko, a pro-Western liberal. Nevertheless, victory has been declared for Viktor Yanukovych, the pro-Moscow candidate. He has already received warm congratulations from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, who backed him with praise, money and, possibly, some advice on how to steal elections. It can't be a coincidence that if the Ukrainian election is settled in Moscow's favor, it will mark the third such dubious vote in Russia's "sphere of influence" in the past two months, following the polls in Belarus and the separatist province of Abkhazia, not counting the irregularities that were belatedly uncovered in the election of Putin himself.
All of these places do, it is true, seem obscure and faraway to Americans. But so did the events 60 years ago in Poland, at least until it became clear that they were part of a pattern: 1946 was also the year that Winston Churchill gave his celebrated speech describing the "iron curtain" that had descended across Europe, and predicting the onset of the Cold War. Looking back, we may also one day see 2004 as the year when a new iron curtain descended across Europe, dividing the continent not through the center of Germany but along the eastern Polish border. To the West, the democracies of Western and Central Europe will remain more or less stable members of the European Union and NATO. To the east, Russia will control the "managed democracies" of the former U.S.S.R., keeping the media muzzled, elections massaged and the economies in thrall to a handful of mostly Russian billionaires. Using primarily economic means -- control over oil pipelines, corrupt investment funds, shady companies -- the Russians may even, like their Soviet predecessors, begin to work at undermining Western stability.
This is not an inevitable scenario. Russia is not the Soviet Union, and 2004 is not 1946. Ukraine is neither as turbulent, nor as violent, nor as physically cut off from the world as were the Central European states after the Second World War. The Ukrainian opposition put 200,000 protesters on the streets of Kiev yesterday, many of whom are too young to recall Nazi or Soviet totalitarianism, and who haven't experienced the intimidation and fear felt by their parents and grandparents. Most have access to communication and outside information -- through the Internet, satellite television, cell phones -- that would have been unthinkable during the Cold War.
The West, and especially Western Europe, can and should encourage them. To do so is not difficult, but it does require that we understand what is happening, call things by their real names, and drop any of our remaining illusions about President Putin's intentions in former Soviet territories. Beyond that, all that is needed is a promise -- even an implied promise -- that when the specter of this new iron curtain is removed, Ukraine too will be welcomed by the nations on the other side. -30-
E-mail:
applebaumanne@washpost.com http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8881-2004Nov23.html
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER THREE
3. UKRAINIAN ELECTION DENOUNCED
Protesters at Embassy Spotlight Charges of Fraud in Balloting
By Manny Fernandez, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Washington Post, Wednesday, November 24, 2004; Page A17
WASHINGTON - Tens of thousands of demonstrators converged on the Ukrainian capital of Kiev yesterday, and Mykhajlo Datsenko felt compelled to do his part in Washington.
Datsenko, 30, a District resident, was one of about 20 protesters who gathered outside the Ukrainian Embassy yesterday afternoon to decry alleged fraud in the former Soviet republic's presidential election. They held signs that read, "We demand true election results!" They donned orange scarves, sweaters and handkerchiefs -- the symbolic color of the opposition candidate who yesterday defiantly declared himself the winner of the disputed election.
"Know this, guys: We are with you all the way," said Datsenko, as he stood outside the brick embassy in Georgetown holding a sign hastily scrawled in Ukrainian that he said read: "Maidan, we're with you," a reference to the capital's Independence Square, where protesters gathered yesterday in freezing temperatures. "If we can support you in at least this way, we will."
The rally was one of many held yesterday in cities across the United States, Datsenko and other protesters said. A march is planned for noon today starting at the embassy, part of a fast-growing grass-roots campaign by Ukrainian citizens in the United States to condemn election abuses.
Election monitors said there was widespread fraud in Sunday's presidential runoff election between Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and reformer Viktor Yushchenko. Election results had shown Moscow-backed Yanukovych beating Western-leaning Yushchenko, despite early predictions of a Yushchenko win.
The State Department has called on Ukraine's government to investigate the fraud allegations. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.) said in a statement that "election day fraud and abuse was enacted with either the leadership or cooperation of governmental authorities."
Protesters outside the embassy handed copies of Lugar's statement to joggers and shoppers in a climate far warmer than in Kiev but chilly nonetheless, the second day of a vigil that began Monday.
Many protesters were Ukrainian citizens living in the United States, some of whom had come to the embassy Sunday to cast their votes in the election. They organized the protest after a flurry of e-mails following the news of an apparent Yanukovych victory. "If [Yanukovych] won honestly, I would accept him as a president," said lawyer Lilia Ostapenko, 29, who was born in Ukraine and lives in Vienna and who helped organize the rally. "But it just didn't happen."
Retired journalist Bohdan Hodiak of Bethesda, a U.S. citizen of Ukrainian descent, said Yushchenko was the best hope for democracy in Ukraine. "It's very disheartening," he said. "It's like the old regime put on new clothes."
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8938-2004Nov23.html
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER FOUR
4. FOR THE U.S., A BALANCING ACT ON UKRAINE
White House Seeks to Support Election Protesters
Without Angering Russia's Putin
By Glenn Kessler, Washington Post Staff Writer
The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Wed, Nov 24, 2004; Page A17
WASHINGTON, D.C. - The Bush administration is seeking to support Ukrainian demonstrators who are challenging official results declaring that a Moscow-backed candidate narrowly won Sunday's presidential election without risking an open break with Russian President Vladimir Putin, administration officials said yesterday.
Even before the count was completed, Putin on Monday congratulated Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych on his victory over Western-leaning Viktor Yushchenko in an election that international observers said was deeply flawed. Yushchenko declared himself the winner yesterday and took a symbolic oath of office as hundreds of thousands of protesters packed Kiev's downtown streets.
Before the Ukrainian election, Russian President Vladimir Putin and President Bush discussed the issue at an economic summit last weekend, officials said, with Bush stressing the United States' interest in a democratic outcome. (Jason Reed -- Reuters)
Putin visited Ukraine before the runoff election and an earlier round of voting, in an apparent attempt to influence the results. But administration officials said they are focusing on the need for a democratic outcome and ensuring a result that reflects the will of the voters and is credible to the world -- a message that a top State Department official, A. Elizabeth Jones, delivered to the Russian ambassador Monday.
"This is not a U.S.-Russia issue," an administration official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of sensitive diplomacy. "It is not an East-West issue." He said that a fully democratic Ukraine would have to have close relations with Russia, no matter who wins the presidency.
"The Russians may make it an issue, but it isn't," he said.
Although White House officials hailed the close relationship with Putin early in President Bush's tenure, tensions have risen in the past year over Putin's efforts to muzzle political opponents and centralize political control. The dispute over the Ukrainian election is potentially problematic because Russia may feel that the United States is interfering in its sphere of influence. Yesterday, Putin attacked Western criticism of the election.
Charles A. Kupchan, director of Europe studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, said the administration appeared to be trying to encourage a review of the election without crossing what he called two "red lines" -- creating an overt rift with Putin or encouraging violence in Ukraine.
He said that Ukraine has remained relatively cohesive since the breakup of the Soviet Union but that the voting generally split along east-west lines, with the western, Ukrainian-speaking areas supporting Yushchenko and the eastern, mostly Russian-speaking areas voting for Yanukovych. A misstep, Kupchan said, "could turn a political cleavage into a conflict of competing identities."
Bush raised the upcoming Ukrainian election with Putin when they met on the sidelines of an economic summit last weekend, officials said, but they declined to characterize the discussion except to say that Bush stressed the United States' interest in a democratic outcome.
Bush also raised concerns about Putin's efforts to rein in democratic institutions, officials said. Putin responded with a long lecture about how he was creating a "democratic style" of government that is consistent with Russian history and the unique problems that Russia faces as a multiethnic society on a large landmass. Bush has not spoken to Putin since the Ukrainian election, officials said.
The White House, in a statement issued in Crawford, Tex., where Bush is spending Thanksgiving, said the United States "is deeply disturbed by extensive and credible indications of fraud committed in the Ukrainian elections."
The statement noted that "the United States stands with the Ukrainian people in this difficult time." The White House urged Ukrainian authorities not to certify the results until allegations of "organized fraud" are resolved, and to respect the will of the people.
"The government bears a special responsibility not to use or incite violence," the statement added, saying the government also must permit news organizations to report on the matter "without intimidation or coercion."
State Department spokesman J. Adam Ereli said Jones, an assistant secretary of state, had also spoken twice to the Ukrainian ambassador expressing "our deep concern over the allegations of fraud and abuse" and calling for "a complete and immediate investigation into the conduct of the election."
U.S. officials have suggested they are considering a series of escalating steps against the Ukrainian government if it fails to take effective action, starting with refusing to issue visas for officials and moving to restrictions on nearly $150 million in annual aid. But officials said they are working to avoid having to take such steps.
"It is pretty clear it was a stolen election," the administration official said. "But the situation is very fluid." -30-
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER FIVE
5. STATEMENT BY U.S. SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS
COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN SENATOR RICHARD LUGAR IN KYIV
Statement by U.S. Senate Foreign Relations
Committee Chairman Richard Lugar
U.S. Embassy, Kiev, Ukraine, Mon, Nov 22, 2004
I have been honored to serve as President George Bush's representative during the November 21st run-off election in Ukraine.
As I approached that responsibility, I noted that the campaign had already been marked by widespread political intimidation and failure to give equal
coverage to candidates in the media. Physical intimidation of voters and
illegal use of governmental administrative and legal authorities had been evident and pervasive.
I have come not as an advocate of either candidate in the November 21 election but to stress free and fair election procedures that would strengthen worldwide respect for the legitimacy of the winning candidate.
OSCE/ODIHR and other observers mention an extensive list of serious procedural violations including: · Illegal expulsions of opposition members of election commissions; · Inaccurate voter lists; · Evidence of students, government employees and private sector workers being forced by their deans and supervisors to vote for one candidate over another; · Busloads of people voting more than once with absentee ballots; · Representatives of the media being beaten and their equipment stolen or destroyed; and · Suspiciously large use of mobile voting.
Even in the face of these attempts to end any hope of a free and fair election, I was inspired by the willingness and courage of so many citizens of Ukraine to demonstrate their passion for free expression and the building of a truly democratic Ukraine. As corrupt authorities tried to disrupt, frighten and intimidate citizens, brave people pushed back by continuing to do their best to keep the election on track and to prevent chaos.
President Leonid Kuchma in his Saturday night address to the people said: "There will be no revolutions. We shall have elections. Elections worthy of a 21st century European country."
President Bush wrote in a letter which I carried to President Kuchma: "You play a central role in ensuring that Ukraine's election is democratic and free of fraud and manipulation. A tarnished election, however, will lead us to review our relations with Ukraine."
In thoughtful and careful representation of President Bush's words, I visited with President Kuchma, Prime Minister Yanukovich and Speaker Lytvyn with explicit requests for them to terminate any further campaign violations. Despite the already recorded long list of egregious assaults on democracy in Ukraine, I said both publicly and privately that I had come to celebrate the building of strong democratic institutions in Ukraine.
It is now apparent that a concerted and forceful program of election day fraud and abuse was enacted with either the leadership or cooperation of governmental authorities.
I believe that President Kuchma has the responsibility and the opportunity for producing even at this point an outcome which is fair and responsible. He will enhance his legacy by prompt and decisive action which maximizes worldwide confidence in the Presidency of Ukraine and the extraordinary potential future which lies ahead of this country. -30-
http://usembassy.kiev.ua/infocentral_eng.html Public Affairs Section, United States Embassy Kyiv
4 Hlybochytska St., Kyiv 04050 Ukraine
(380 44) 490-4026, 490-4090, Fax (380 44) 490-4050
http://usembassy.kiev.ua, info@usembassy.kiev.ua
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER SIX
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
6. SENATOR MCCAIN STATEMENT OF ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE
Office of U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ)
United States Senate, Washington, D.C., Monday, Nov 22, 2004
Today U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ) issued the following statement on the presidential run-off election in Ukraine:
"On November 21, the people of Ukraine went to the polls in a historic election to choose a new president and determine the direction of their nation. Unfortunately, government authorities denied the Ukrainian people this free choice.
"The first round of elections, which took place on October 31, was marred by fraud and balloting irregularities. Rather than correcting these serious deficiencies, reports indicate that things only worsened in the second round. The International Republican Institute (IRI), which sent an election observation mission to Ukraine during both rounds, concluded that in the first round, 'a systematic and coordinated use of government resources on a national scale created an atmosphere of intimidation and fear designed to pressure people into supporting the government-backed candidate.' In the period leading up to the second round, IRI concluded, 'such pressure in fact was increased.'
"According to international observers, including the IRI delegation and another led by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), election day was marred by voter list problems, multiple voting, interference by unauthorized persons into the electoral process, and the expulsion of observers and journalists from polling stations. IRI found that in a number of polling stations, the percentage of votes certified by the Central Election Commission exceeded 100% of total voters.
"This is simply disgraceful. U.S. and European officials said in the weeks before the run-off that, should the government engage in electoral fraud, it would produce an inevitable deterioration of our countries' relations with Ukraine. The U.S. Senate last week passed Resolution 473, which called for free and fair elections in Ukraine, and threatened targeted sanctions against those responsible for thwarting the will of the Ukrainian people. I believe that we will have no choice but to move ahead with such actions soon, as we reassess our relations with the political leadership in Ukraine.
"Despite the efforts of a few to deny democracy in Ukraine, freedom is not dead in that proud country. As evidenced by the thousands currently marching non-violently for a clean count of actual ballots cast, the Ukrainian people have a deep hunger for democracy. History has taught us that these yearnings cannot, in the end, be squashed by any government."
http://mccain.senate.gov/index.cfm?fuseaction=NewsCenter.ViewPressReleas e&Content_id=1333
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER SEVEN
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
7. FORMER PRESIDENT OF POLAND LECH WALESA
ASKED TO COME TO UKRAINE BY VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO
Polish News Bulletin, Warsaw, Poland, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
WARSAW - Former president of Poland Lech Walesa was officially asked by the leader of the Ukrainian opposition and its candidate for the presidential position, Viktor Jushchenko, to come to the country's capital
- Kiev. "This will support the opposition and encourage us to fight on until the final triumph of democracy," wrote Jushchenko in his letter.
Walesa has already expressed his willingness to go to Ukraine. "I have always sympathised with freedom fighters, so today I sympathise with you," said the former president in his reply. According to Walesa, the situation in Ukraine, where the presidential vote is believed to have been rigged by supporters of the pro-Russian candidate Viktor Janukovych, is reminiscent of Poland in the 1980s.
"Walesa should quickly come to Kiev as people here are fighting for the same ideals as we did in 1980 in the Gdansk shipyard," said Bogdan Borusewicz, a former opposition member and an international observer supervising the Ukrainian elections. -30-
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER EIGHT
Your comments about the Report are always welcome
8. UPRISING IN UKRAINE:
WORLD UNITES BEHIND OPPOSITION LEADER
Anne Penketh Diplomatic Editor
The Independent, London, United Kingdom, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
MESSAGES OF support for Viktor Yushchenko poured in last night as the architect of Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution backed the opposition leader and Ukraine's own diplomats criticised the flawed presidential poll.
The former Czech president Vaclav Havel sent a message of encouragement. "Let me greet you at these dramatic days when the fate of your country for many years to come is at stake," said Mr Havel, who led the 1989 uprising against communism. "All respectable local and international organisations agree that your demands are just."
President George Bush's spokeswoman Claire Buchan said the United States was "deeply concerned by extensive and credible indications of fraud committed in the Ukrainian presidential election".
The US called for a full review of the election, and urged the government of the outgoing president, Leonid Kuchma, not to confirm the results until the allegations of organised fraud had been investigated. EU foreign ministers also denounced the elections as "fraudulent" and expressed their "great concern" over reports of vote rigging.
Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, said he was "very concerned indeed about the reports we have seen", adding: "It is very difficult to argue that this is a free and fair election."
In a startling move which reflects the deep unease about the ballot, 150 Ukrainian diplomats issued a statement to protest against the situation. "We cannot remain silent and observe a situation which could call into doubt Ukraine's democratic development and destroy the efforts of many years to return our country to Europe," it said.
Earlier, 20 middle-ranking diplomats said the election had been "turned into a shameful war against our own people".
The Russian President, Vladimir Putin, said criticism from election monitors was "inadmissible" as there were still no complete official results. "Ukraine is a state of law. It doesn't need to be lectured," Mr Putin said on a visit to Lisbon. But he added: "It's true I congratulated a candidate, but not according to the official results - according to projections from exit polls."
The European Union and Russia are due to hold a summit meeting tomorrow which is now likely to be overshadowed by the Ukraine elections. One Russian diplomatic source argued: "Russia and the EU both have an interest in avoiding the incitement of violence in Ukraine. There is always a chance of unexpected progress, and both sides will try to make the summit a success."
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No.229: ARTICLE NUMBER NINE
Suggested articles for publication in the Report are always welcome
9. FORMER CZECH PRESIDENT HAVEL THROWS HIS WEIGHT
BEHIND UKRAINE'S VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO
AP, Prague, Czech Republic, Tue, Nov 23, 2004
PRAGUE, Czech Republic (AP) - Former Czech President Vaclav Havel threw his weight Nov. 23 behind Ukraine's opposition, demanding that the results of the disputed presidential election be overturned.
"Let me greet you at these dramatic days when the fate of your country for many years to come is at stake," Havel said in a message to the Ukrainian opposition sent from Taiwan where he was on an Asian trip.
Your country's future "is in your hands," Havel said. "All respectable local and international organizations agree that your demands are just."
The European Union on Nov. 23 stepped up pressure for the election result to be reviewed. Western observers have said it was seriously flawed. -30-
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER TEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
10. "UKRAINE'S RAPE BY ELECTIONS"
OP-ED: By Ariel Cohen
TechCentralStation, Washington, D.C., Tue, November 23, 2004
As was expected for months, forces loyal to Prime Minister Victor Yanukovich of Ukraine attempted to steal presidential elections on Sunday. While two reliable exit polls gave the opposition leader Victor Yushchenko comfortable leads between four and 11 percent, the government-dominated electoral commission awarded Yanukovich a 2.8 percent win. One of the two exit polls which pronounced Yushchenko winner came from a pro-government polling organization.
Such victory is apparently mathematically impossible: pro-Russian, pro-Yanukovich precincts in Eastern Ukraine have reported a whopping 96 percent turnout, unprecedented even by the rancid "people's democracy" election standards of the USSR.
Many Western observers, including Organization for Security and Cooperation and Europe said Monday that the elections fell far short of Europe's democratic norms and called for review. Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), the senior U.S. election observer, announced that Yushchenko was denied access to media and pro-Yanukovich forces committed "concerted and forceful" fraud. Bruce George, the veteran European observer expressed identical sentiment.
The stolen election is opening a Pandora's box of political turmoil and geographical splits, as four major cities in Ukraine's pro-Yushchenko West
-- Liviv, Ternopil, Vinniytsia, and Ivano-Frankivsk -- have declared him president. An acrimonious, hate-filled political confrontation in Ukraine, which had rather peaceful politics since the 1991 independence, is now inevitable. Ukrainian observers do not rule out violence.
The current presidential elections will define the future political course of Ukraine. Moreover, they will decide whether Ukraine is facing the West
-- or Russia for years to come. The U.S. has a lot at stake in the outcome.
The U.S. has a strategic interest in keeping Ukraine's sovereignty and democracy on track while preventing Russian influence from growing further. The U.S. Government has issued warnings that selective visa bans may apply to Ukrainian officials involved in election fraud. This was not sufficient to prevent such fraud, as the stakes of losing power for the Yanukovich circle are high, and the Russian influence is powerful.
The biggest geopolitical challenge for the U.S. is keeping Russia in the anti-terror coalition and assuring access to Russian energy resources, while ensuring the former Soviet states' global economic integration, sovereignty and independence. The instruments in the U.S. diplomatic tool box are limited. Russia, flush with cash from oil sales, no longer needs Western economic assistance, and the advanced technology for oil exploration is widely available in open markets.
The Russian, Soviet-educated elite, which often views the U.S. as a strategic adversary, may challenge sovereignty or increase control of the post-Soviet states, such as Ukraine, through overt support of pro-Moscow political candidates.
There are two reasons for the Kremlin's ascendancy is Ukraine. The first, according to sources in Moscow and Kiev, is that it poured unprecedented resources into the election campaign: at least $300 million dollars from sympathetic Russian and Ukrainian businessmen. The second reason is more
sinister: Russia has access to the Soviet-era criminal files of Yanukovich, who was jailed twice on criminal charges of aggravated assault and robbery.
Ukraine is a crucial test of the changing geopolitics in Eurasia. It is a large-scale trial run -- of Russia re-establishing control in the former empire and expanding its access to the Black Sea and South-Eastern Europe.
Ukraine should be viewed in the larger context of the recent negative regional dynamics. Before the elections, on Moscow's request, President Leonid Kuchma and Yanukovich engineered Ukraine's turning away from NATO and EU integration. On October 17 President Alexander Lukashenka pulled off an unconstitutional power grab in Belarus, and the stalemate in Moldova over the secessionist trans-Dniester region continues. More active Russian policy in the Caucasus is also in evidence. There, Moscow deliberately undermines Georgian independence by creeping annexation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Russia deliberately focused its policy on detaching Ukraine from its Western ties and creating a co-dependent relationship with Kiev. According to Moscow experts, for Putin, Viktor Yanukovich's criminal past creates a relationship of a case officer and an "asset". Such a relationship by definition creates a dependency for the Ukraine.
If Russia successfully consolidates control over Belarus and Ukraine, Moscow may also pursue a greater say over the Caspian oil. It will do so by increasing pressure on Kazakhstan, possibly utilizing its Russian-speaking minority as a conduit for its influence. It will eventually move to secure Azerbaijan's compliance with the Kremlin regional policy. Beyond that, it may move to further undermine pro-American Mikheil Saakashvili's presidency in Georgia and put pressure on Uzbekistan to come back to the fold of the Russia-led bloc in the former Soviet Union. However, as the Beslan tragedy demonstrated, Russian military power is still limited when it comes to countering real security threats and not largely imagined American influence. Such ambitious policy may create imperial hubris for Russia -- with unpredictable consequences.
What to do? The Bush Administration has already said that it will boycott Ukrainian officials who facilitated election fraud. Instead, U.S. should boost those groups in Ukraine that are committed to democracy, free markets and Euro-Atlantic integration by providing diplomatic, financial and media support. Washington should support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all post-Soviet states. The U.S. should further expand cooperation with these countries via NATO's Partnership for Peace and bilateral military-to-military ties, exchanges, train-and-equip programs, and where necessary, limited troop deployment. Washington should maintain and expand dialogue with Moscow over contentious issues, such as South Ossetia and Abkhazia, as well as the U.S. presence in Central Asia.
The latest developments in Iraq, Iran and elsewhere in the Middle East require increased attention of the Bush Administration and are likely to limit American freedom of maneuver in Eurasia. If Russia consolidates its control over Ukraine and Belarus, and the U.S. will not challenge Moscow's growing influence, the true independence of the post-Soviet states may be just an interlude before the Kremlin reasserts its control. The geopolitical outcome in the region will depend on Washington's engagement in Eurasia, including with the Kremlin; an agreement upon "traffic rules" between Russia and the U.S; and on Moscow's abandonment of an aggressively anti-American policy within and beyond the territory of the
former Soviet Union. -30- [Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
Ariel Cohen, Ph.D., is a Research Fellow at The Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., and the editor of Security Changes in Eurasia After 9/11 (Ashgate, forthcoming).
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER ELEVEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
11. "RUSSIA EAGER TO PLEASE TRIUMPHANT BUSH TEAM"
By Columnist Angela Charlton
Russian News and Information Agency-Novovsti
Moscow, Russia, Monday, Nov. 22, 2004
PARIS - Vladimir Putin can breathe easier now, at least on one front. Russia emerged unscathed from a weekend of meetings with the victorious U.S. leadership, and proved that Putin's place in George W. Bush's heart remains secure.
It wasn't all hugs - Bush let Putin know that new restrictions on Russian elections are making democratic leaders nervous. But this unsurprising revelation is unlikely to damage the two men's relationship. And the new secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, is probably too pragmatic to sanction such a key ally as Russia for democratic backsliding.
The Putin-Bush meeting, on the sidelines of the APEC summit, was their first since Bush was re-elected Nov. 2, and since Putin proposed sweeping electoral changes in September that prompted fierce criticism from the West. Russia's delegation braced for more such criticism this weekend.
Instead, Bush appears to have performed just as Moscow had hoped. He expressed enough interest in Russia to confirm that it will not drop off the US agenda in his second term. He pressed Putin on his political reforms but gave no hint of intervening in Russia's affairs, even those the United States finds disagreeable.
Putin came to power railing against U.S. dominance and the single-super- power world; two years later he jumped to Bush's side in the war against terrorism. Last month Putin boldly endorsed Bush's re-election bid when even other U.S. allies shied away. The endorsement paid off.
Bush could have distanced himself from Putin after winning a second term, which some see as a new mandate to act unilaterally and shrug off U.S. allies. Instead, Bush rewarded Putin with the continuity Russia wanted. Even the war in Chechnya, the bane of Russia's relations with European countries, has virtually disappeared from the dialogue with Washington.
The US-Russia relationship is on shaky ground, however, when it comes to Russia's neighbors. Putin brought this up at the weekend meeting, defending Moscow's interests in the former Soviet space and insisting that its partners be upfront about their activities in Russia's borderlands.
That's a touchy subject after the Ukrainian elections Sunday, in which Putin's favored candidate faced off against a challenger U.S. leaders prefer. Ukraine will be a key test for Putin: will he turn it into a battleground with the West, as happened with Georgia, or a stage for cooperation?
U.S. and Russia interests clash again in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Bush and Rice may stay silent about Chechnya, but they're unlikely to scale back U.S. activity in Georgia or Tajikistan to appease Russian generals. Russia will need to take this into account as it considers Abkhazia's fate.
The challenge for the second Bush-Putin term is to stay aligned on terrorism and keep geopolitical conflicts to a simmer. Rice's Cold War credentials should come in handy in this balancing game, just as her expertise in Russian politics will ensure that Russia isn't ignored. Her closeness to Bush and his ideology should also keep things consistent.
U.S. and Russian positions on Afghanistan and North Korea have neared, and Russia is edging closer to a role in Iraq. U.S. negotiators have reportedly persuaded Moscow to forgive most of Iraq's massive foreign debt, and Russia has too much invested in Iraq's oil future to stay aloof.
Iran is more problematic. The key to the U.S.-Russia relationship is fighting terrorism, but Washington and Moscow disagree on whether Iran sponsors terrorists. Russia bickers with Iranian officials over the Caspian Sea, but vigorously defended Russian construction of a nuclear plant there that the United States fears could advance Iran's nuclear weapons development.
Still, U.S.-Russian relations look more predictable than they've been in decades. Putin needs that stability, amid deteriorating ties with the EU and Russians' mounting anxiety about the next terrorist attack.
Russia's delegation went to APEC eager to please the Americans - not ready to do their bidding, but hoping to ensure that Putin's latest power play hadn't damaged the US-Russian alliance. They should come home
relieved. -30- [The Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER TWELVE
Letters to the editor are always welcome
12. VOTE'S OUTCOME SEEN AS DEFINING MOMENT FOR MOSCOW
By Arkady Ostrovsky in Moscow
Financial Times, London, UK, Tue, Nov 23, 2004
The fate of Ukraine may be decided on the streets of Kiev in coming days, but the stakes are also high for Russia, which has openly tried to reassert its influence in the former Soviet republic during the elections.
The vote's outcome is seen in Moscow as a defining moment both for Russian foreign and domestic policies. For the first time since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia is trying to impose its political will beyond its own borders.
"The Ukrainian election has become the factor of self-identification for Russia," says Lilia Shevtsova, a senior analyst at the Moscow Carnegie Centre.
Russia's President Vladimir Putin backed Viktor Yanukovich, the incumbent prime minister in the run-up to the elections and was the first to declare his victory despite mass protests in Kiev and outrage in the west at the widespread irregularities and fraud.
A confrontation over the Ukrainian vote is set to overshadow a summit between Russia and the European Union in The Hague on Thursday. Mr Putin is scheduled to discuss an agreement on closer links between Moscow and the EU with José Manuel Barroso, the new European Commission president, and Jan Peter Balkenende, Dutch prime minister.
On Tuesday Joschka Fischer, German foreign minister, called on Ukraine to hold a recount - and possibly even a re-run. "We call on the Ukrainian government, in co-operation with the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, to review both the polling and counting process and to take the necessary corrective measures."
Gleb Pavlovsky, a communications adviser contracted by the Kremlin administration to pursue Russia's interest in Ukraine, said: "There is a war of nerves going on at the moment [between Russia and the west]. If the EU does not recognise Yanukovich as a legitimate president, it could lead to a direct confrontation with Russia."
Until recently the Kremlin pursued an ambivalent foreign policy declaring its long-term common interests with Europe while also trying to strengthen its ties with the former Soviet republics. However, the elections in Ukraine clarified Russia's position.
"This is the first time since the end of the Soviet Union that the interest of Russia and the interest of the west clashed so openly. The west is not used to a strong Russian state pursuing its interests. Let it get used to it," said Vyacheslav Nikonov, a political analyst close to the Kremlin.
Russia sees Ukraine as a battleground for influence between itself and the west. "If Viktor Yushchenko had won the elections, Ukraine could have joined Nato within two years and this would have been an openly anti-Russian move," said Mr Nikonov, expressing the Kremlin view that Mr Yushchenko has definitely lost.
But the Ukrainian elections could also have serious implications for Russian domestic policy.
Grigory Yavlinsky, the leader of the liberal Yabloko party, on Tuesday said that, by discrediting the Ukrainian elections, the Kremlin aimed "to demonstrate to its own citizens that there can be no honest elections in the post-Soviet space and therefore kill political opposition in Russia in the bud". Mr Yavlinsky said Russia's policy in Ukraine was also the result of its imperial ambitions.
As Ms Shevtsova put it: "Russia still feels a phantom pain for the loss of Ukraine. It is like with a patient whose leg has been amputated. The leg is gone, but you still feel the pain in it." -30-
Additional reporting by Daniel Dombey in Brussels, John Thornhill in Paris and Hugh Williamson in Berlin
http://news.ft.com/cms/s/65439510-3d85-11d9-abe0-00000e2511c8.html
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER THIRTEEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
13. EU THREATENS CONSEQUENCES FOR UKRAINE
"It is our duty to say we are not satisfied with the
way the elections took place in Ukraine."
By Constant Brand, AP, Brussels, Belgium, Wed, Nov 24, 2004
BRUSSELS, Belgium - European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso warned Wednesday of "consequences" for the European Union's political and trade relations with neighboring Ukraine if the government there does not allow a full review of contested presidential election results.
"There will be consequences, if there is not a serious, objective review," Barroso told reporters. "I hope there will be no consequences."
Barroso said the 25-nation bloc was demanding a "complete review of the electoral process" after the second round of elections in Ukraine, which international election observers declared flawed. "The report of the electoral observation mission indicates Ukraine did not meet international standards of democratic elections," Barroso said.
The new EU chief however did not go into specifics of what the consequences would be. At risk might be around $1.31 billion the bloc has given or committed to Ukraine since 1991, in development and economic aid and possible visa-bans on politicians and officials.
"We regret that the Ukrainian authorities have not taken the opportunity to demonstrate their commitment to democracy. This could affect our relations in the future," said Barroso. "We hope that in the meantime, a political solution can be found and we call on restraint from all sides to achieve that goal."
Barroso said the EU would "make our position clear" with Russian President Vladimir Putin (news - web sites) at Thursday's EU-Russia summit in The Hague, the Netherlands. "It is our duty to say we are not satisfied with the way the elections took place in Ukraine."
The EU's threat, being used to put added pressure on Ukraine authorities to meet Western demands, came as the EU's top envoy said he would consider leading a high-level delegation to Ukraine to see if he could help resolve the tense political standoff following a charged presidential election.
EU foreign policy representative Javier Solana said, however, that he had "doubts" now was the time to go. "There is not much you can do physically there, but we can reconsider that," he told the European Parliament's foreign affairs committee, which called a special debate on Ukraine amid fears the country could fall into civil conflict over the disputed election results.
Official results after the second round gave Kremlin-backed Viktor Yanukovych a narrow lead over Western-leaning opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, with almost all votes counted. But they were widely dismissed by EU and other observers as flawed.
The EU assembly's committee chairman, German conservative Elmar Brok, pushed Solana on behalf of his committee "to consider" sending a high-level mission to exert "necessary pressure" on Ukrainian authorities to resolve the crisis peacefully.
Polish Liberal Democrat Grazyna Staniszewska said if Solana did not go, the parliament should send its own team and consider pressing EU governments to impose sanctions. "We must send a new observer mission to prevent a
bloodbath," she said. -30- [Action Ukraine Report Monitoring Service]
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER FOURTEEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
14. INTELLECTUALS IN SUPPORT OF DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE
Dr. Natalia Pylypiuk, Associate Professor
Modern Languages and Cultural Studies
University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada
Tuesday, November 23, 2004
Dear Colleagues,
Our appeal, "Intellectuals in support of democracy in Ukraine," has been widely disseminated in Ukraine during the presidential elections. It was placed on the most widely read Ukrainian websites (most of the newspapers are under state control, so nowadays people in Ukraine rely primarily on the Internet). It was also publicized by Radio BBC Ukrainian, Radio Liberty, the independent "TV 5 Channel," and the journal "Krytyka." It has frequently been singled out as one of the most important and efficient letters circulating in Ukraine in support of democracy.
Unfortunately, public actions like ours could not deter the people in power from falsifying the elections. The official results give a slight margin for the official candidate, Yanukovych, over Yushchenko. However, all exit polls clearly showed a victory for Yushchenko, the candidate of the opposition. Massive fraud and falsifications have been noted by numerous Ukrainian and Western observers, including President Bush's representative Senator Lugar.
Ukraine is heading into a severe political crisis. Hundred of thousands of people in Kyiv and other major cities are in the streets ready to defend their choice. Many of them are students. Several universities have declared their willingness to go on strike. Over 150 Ukrainian MPs have called for an extraordinary meeting of the Ukrainian parliament to remedy the fraud, and several municipal councils have also joined the protest movement.
Events in Ukraine today are comparable to those in Budapest in 1956, to Prague in 1968, the Poland of Solidarnosc, and Moscow in 1991.
Ukraine has demonstrated its desire to be a democratic country. We reiterate our support and urge all to contact their elected representatives and the media to help the cause of democracy in Ukraine.
Students in Ukraine and other countries are initiating protests at large university campuses. Please provide them with help and encouragement and, wherever possible, join them. Extraordinary times require extraordinary measures.
Please disseminate this appeal among your friends and colleagues. Your support is crucial. You can find updated information on the most recent developments in Ukraine on the Websites:
http://www.brama.com/news/; http://www2.pravda.com.ua/en Best regards,
George G. Grabowicz, Harvard University (USA)
Alexandra Hnatiuk, Warsaw University (Poland)
Yaroslav Hrytsak, Lviv National University (Ukraine),
and Central European University (Hungary)
Andrij Mokrousov, "Krytyka" Monthly Review (Ukraine)
Natalia Pylypiuk, University of Alberta (Canada)
Frank Sysyn, University of Alberta (Canada)
ACTION UKRAINE REPORT-04, No. 229: ARTICLE NUMBER FIFTEEN
Letters to the editor are always welcome
15. "HOW TO STEAL A COUNTRY"
OP-ED: by Ralph Peters
New York Post, New York, NY, Wed, Nov. 24, 2004
UKRAINE remains an independent state. For now. But last week's shamelessly rigged presidential-election results were engineered by Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin's security services.
Exit polling, opinion polling, international election observers, Ukrainian local authorities and the people agree that opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, a pro-Western Democrat, won. But the pro-Moscow government of Ukraine claims that the spectacularly corrupt incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych received the major ity of votes.
Tens of thousands of demonstrators took to Kiev's streets in protest. Even Yanukovych has been wary of declaring his own victory. Yet Putin immediately extended his congratulations to the nervous "Victor."
The Kremlin poured massive funding into the election campaign. The pro-Russian mafia that has a bully's grip on the Kiev government stuffed ballot boxes, manipulated absentee ballots, extorted votes and then simply changed the numbers to give Moscow's man a 49 percent to 46 percent lead.
This is the biggest test for democracy on Europe's frontier since the fall of the Soviet Union. Russia always seemed fated for a hybrid government - part elections, part strongman rule - but Ukraine could go either way. Especially in the country's west and center, Ukrainians have struggled for freedom for centuries.
But Russia regards Ukraine as its inalienable possession, stolen away as the U.S.S.R. collapsed.
Fatefully, the ties were never severed between the successors of the KGB in Moscow and Kiev. Now the grandchildren of the Russian thugs who mercilessly put down Nestor Makhno's Ukrainian revolt against the Bolsheviks, who slaughtered Ukraine's prosperous peasantry and murdered Ukraine's intelligentsia are back at work.
This election may have been Ukraine's last chance.
The tale begins almost a millennium ago. Converted to Christianity, Kiev was the jewel of the north, a magnificent city of churches and piety; Moscow was a shantytown. Then the Mongols came, destroying "Kievan Rus." Muscovy slowly expanded to fill the vacuum left by the destruction of the great Slavic civilization of the Steppes.
For centuries, Ukraine's Cossacks resisted Polish and Russian attempts to rob them of freedom. But by the end of the 18th century, Russia finally broke the Cossacks, dragooning them into its own military forces.
Subjugated, Ukraine responded with a 19th-century cultural revival. The Bolsheviks put an end to that. The first and greatest victims of Lenin and Stalin were the people of Ukraine.
Finally, in 1991, after six centuries, Ukraine regained its independence. Putin intends to take it away again.
With its declining population and threatened Far-Eastern territories, Russia desperately wants the additional population and strategic position of Ukraine back within its own borders, beginning as a "voluntary" federation. An ethnic-Russian population in eastern Ukraine serves as a fifth column.
Disgracefully, the international community appears ready to give Putin a free hand in subverting the freedom of a sovereign, democratic state. President Bush values his relationship with Putin, although Putin hasn't hesitated to undermine Washington's policies.
While constructive cooperation makes sense, there are times when the United States must draw a line - unless we intend to make a mockery of our support for freedom and democracy.
This is one of those times. President Bush should not let a bunch of gangsters in Kiev and the sons of the KGB in Moscow destroy the hopes of a major European state. Ukraine isn't Russia's to steal.
The people of Ukraine who went to the polls to elect Viktor Yushchenko as their president, who want to be democratic, Western and free, need to hear from the White House. So does Mr. Putin.
If we allow Ukraine's freedom to be destroyed without so much as a murmur from our president, we will have betrayed the ideals we claim to support at home, in Iraq and around the world. -30-
Ralph Peters worked as a Russia expert during his military career.
http://www.nypost.com/postopinion/opedcolumnists/32142.htm
NOTE: You may want to immediately contact the White House after reading the last four paragraphs of the article above.
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