Posted on 05/25/2004 11:17:21 PM PDT by conservative in nyc
May 26, 2004FROM THE EDITORSThe Times and Iraq
In doing so reviewing hundreds of articles written during the prelude to war and into the early stages of the occupation we found an enormous amount of journalism that we are proud of. In most cases, what we reported was an accurate reflection of the state of our knowledge at the time, much of it painstakingly extracted from intelligence agencies that were themselves dependent on sketchy information. And where those articles included incomplete information or pointed in a wrong direction, they were later overtaken by more and stronger information. That is how news coverage normally unfolds. But we have found a number of instances of coverage that was not as rigorous as it should have been. In some cases, information that was controversial then, and seems questionable now, was insufficiently qualified or allowed to stand unchallenged. Looking back, we wish we had been more aggressive in re-examining the claims as new evidence emerged or failed to emerge. The problematic articles varied in authorship and subject matter, but many shared a common feature. They depended at least in part on information from a circle of Iraqi informants, defectors and exiles bent on "regime change" in Iraq, people whose credibility has come under increasing public debate in recent weeks. (The most prominent of the anti-Saddam campaigners, Ahmad Chalabi, has been named as an occasional source in Times articles since at least 1991, and has introduced reporters to other exiles. He became a favorite of hard-liners within the Bush administration and a paid broker of information from Iraqi exiles, until his payments were cut off last week.) Complicating matters for journalists, the accounts of these exiles were often eagerly confirmed by United States officials convinced of the need to intervene in Iraq. Administration officials now acknowledge that they sometimes fell for misinformation from these exile sources. So did many news organizations in particular, this one. Some critics of our coverage during that time have focused blame on individual reporters. Our examination, however, indicates that the problem was more complicated. Editors at several levels who should have been challenging reporters and pressing for more skepticism were perhaps too intent on rushing scoops into the paper. Accounts of Iraqi defectors were not always weighed against their strong desire to have Saddam Hussein ousted. Articles based on dire claims about Iraq tended to get prominent display, while follow-up articles that called the original ones into question were sometimes buried. In some cases, there was no follow-up at all. On Oct. 26 and Nov. 8, 2001, for example, Page 1 articles cited Iraqi defectors who described a secret Iraqi camp where Islamic terrorists were trained and biological weapons produced. These accounts have never been independently verified. On Dec. 20, 2001, another front-page article began, "An Iraqi defector who described himself as a civil engineer said he personally worked on renovations of secret facilities for biological, chemical and nuclear weapons in underground wells, private villas and under the Saddam Hussein Hospital in Baghdad as recently as a year ago." Knight Ridder Newspapers reported last week that American officials took that defector his name is Adnan Ihsan Saeed al-Haideri to Iraq earlier this year to point out the sites where he claimed to have worked, and that the officials failed to find evidence of their use for weapons programs. It is still possible that chemical or biological weapons will be unearthed in Iraq, but in this case it looks as if we, along with the administration, were taken in. And until now we have not reported that to our readers. On Sept. 8, 2002, the lead article of the paper was headlined "U.S. Says Hussein Intensified Quest for A-Bomb Parts." That report concerned the aluminum tubes that the administration advertised insistently as components for the manufacture of nuclear weapons fuel. The claim came not from defectors but from the best American intelligence sources available at the time. Still, it should have been presented more cautiously. There were hints that the usefulness of the tubes in making nuclear fuel was not a sure thing, but the hints were buried deep, 1,700 words into a 3,600-word article. Administration officials were allowed to hold forth at length on why this evidence of Iraq's nuclear intentions demanded that Saddam Hussein be dislodged from power: "The first sign of a `smoking gun,' they argue, may be a mushroom cloud." Five days later, The Times reporters learned that the tubes were in fact a subject of debate among intelligence agencies. The misgivings appeared deep in an article on Page A13, under a headline that gave no inkling that we were revising our earlier view ("White House Lists Iraq Steps to Build Banned Weapons"). The Times gave voice to skeptics of the tubes on Jan. 9, when the key piece of evidence was challenged by the International Atomic Energy Agency. That challenge was reported on Page A10; it might well have belonged on Page A1. On April 21, 2003, as American weapons-hunters followed American troops into Iraq, another front-page article declared, "Illicit Arms Kept Till Eve of War, an Iraqi Scientist Is Said to Assert." It began this way: "A scientist who claims to have worked in Iraq's chemical weapons program for more than a decade has told an American military team that Iraq destroyed chemical weapons and biological warfare equipment only days before the war began, members of the team said." The informant also claimed that Iraq had sent unconventional weapons to Syria and had been cooperating with Al Qaeda two claims that were then, and remain, highly controversial. But the tone of the article suggested that this Iraqi "scientist" who in a later article described himself as an official of military intelligence had provided the justification the Americans had been seeking for the invasion. The Times never followed up on the veracity of this source or the attempts to verify his claims. A sample of the coverage, including the articles mentioned here, is online at nytimes.com/critique. Readers will also find there a detailed discussion written for The New York Review of Books last month by Michael Gordon, military affairs correspondent of The Times, about the aluminum tubes report. Responding to the review's critique of Iraq coverage, his statement could serve as a primer on the complexities of such intelligence reporting. We consider the story of Iraq's weapons, and of the pattern of misinformation, to be unfinished business. And we fully intend to continue aggressive reporting aimed at setting the record straight. |
NYT defense of flawed Iraq coverage ping.
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he following is a sampling of articles published by The Times about the decisions that led the United States into the war in Iraq, and especially the issue of Iraq's weapons:
The alleged Iraqi terrorist training camps, and Al Qaeda connection:
October 26, 2001: Czechs Confirm Iraqi Agent Met With Terror Ringleader
November 8, 2001: Defectors Cite Iraqi Training for Terrorism
The accounts of the terrorist training camp have not subsequently been verified.
On the subject of the meeting in Prague, a Times follow-up cast serious doubt:
October 21, 2002: Prague Discounts An Iraqi Meeting
The hidden weapons facilities:
December 20, 2001: Iraqi Tells of Renovations at Sites for Chemical and Nuclear Arms
According to Knight Ridder News, this scientist was taken back to Iraq earlier this year for a tour of sites where he worked. None of the sites showed evidence of illegal weapons activity.
Follow-up: January 24, 2003: Defectors Bolster U.S. Case Against Iraq
The aluminum tubes:
September 8, 2002: U.S. Says Hussein Intensified Quest For A-Bomb Parts
September 13, 2002: White House Lists Iraq Steps To Build Banned Weapons
January 10, 2003: Agency Challenges Evidence Against Iraq Cited By Bush
January 28, 2003: Report's Findings Undercut U.S. Argument
For a discussion of this coverage by Michael R. Gordon, chief military correspondent of The Times, see this letter from April 8, 2004.
The Iraqi scientist and destruction of weapons:
April 21, 2003:Illicit Arms Kept Till Eve of War, an Iraqi Scientist Is Said to Assert
Follow-ups:
April 23, 2003: Focus Shifts From Weapons To the People Behind Them
April 24: U.S.-Led Forces Occupy Baghdad Complex Filled with Chemical Agents
July 20, 2003: A Chronicle of Confusion in the Hunt for Hussein's Weapons
The "biological weapons labs":
This is one example of a claim that was quickly and prominently challenged by additional reporting
May 21, 2003: U.S. Analysts Link Iraq Labs to Germ Arms
The story left the impression that the Administration claims represented a consensus, because we did not know otherwise. By June 7, however, the same reporters, having dug deeper, published a front-page story describing the strong views of dissenting intelligence analysts that the trailers were not bio-weapons labs, and suggesting that the Administration may have strained to make the evidence fit its case for war. (Last Sunday, Mr. Powell conceded that the C.I.A. was misled about the trailers, apparently by an Iraqi defector.)
June 26, 2003: Agency Disputes C.I.A. View on Trailers as Weapons Labs
Raising doubts about intelligence:
Following are examples of stories that cast doubt on key claims about Iraq's weapons programs, and on the reliability of some defectors.
October 9, 2002: Aides Split on Assessment of Iraq's Plans
October 24, 2002: A C.I.A. Rival; Pentagon Sets up Intelligence Unit
March 23, 2003: C.I.A. Aides Feel Pressure in Preparing Iraqi Reports
July 20, 2003: In Sketchy Data, Trying to Gauge Iraq Threat
September 28, 2003: Agency Belittles Information Given By Iraqi Defectors
February 1, 2004: Powell's Case a Year Later: Gaps in Picture of Iraq Arms"
February 7, 2004: Agency Alert About Iraqi Not Heeded, Officials Say
February 13, 2004: Stung by Exiles's Role, C.I.A. Orders a Shift in Procedures
March 6, 2004: U.S., Certain That Iraq Had Illicit Arms, Reportedly Ignored Contrary Reports
July 26, 2004:Ex-Inspector Says C.I.A. Missed Disarray in Iraqi Arms Program
May 22, 2003: Prewar Views of Iraq Threat Are Under Review by C.I.A.
Feb. 2, 2003: Split at C.I.A. and F.B.I. on Iraqi Ties to Al Qaeda
This should be called "Look Who's Talking" now I wonder if they will give an apology like the ones they demand from President Bush. Are they applying the same standards to the Bush administration?
index
My thoughts exactly. Look's like they are plowing over ground to plant new hate seeds for the presidential election run-up
Didn't Jason Blair work for The New York Times??
And what was that guy from the street interviews name .. Greg Something???
Not to put too fine a point on it, but didn't THEY accuse Bush of basing HIS decision to go to war on that very same information?
Anything less from the Old Grey Whore will be lacking.
I believe so ..
This is the Slimes' defense of flawed Iraq coverage promised by Drudge.
Yeo it all boils down to "we was duped'.
BTW .. for the record .. IMO, this article smells to the high heavens ... what are they really up to
Greg Packer was the New York papers' "man on the street". Every paper (not just the Slimes). Everywhere. A true media whore.
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