"I Am in Permanent Contact with Iran"
February 24, 2004
Point De Vue
Vincent Meylan
The Eldest Son of the last Shah of Iran Speaks to Exlusively to Vincent Meylan
There are the bodyguards, in black suits who ask you not to reveal the place of rendezvous, the private secretary, the chauffeurs, the press attaches, those of Reza Pahlavi and those of Flammarion, the publisher of his book, "Pour L'Iran" (For Iran), a retinue which moves with its king in exile. All this polite world, smiling, but when the allocated time has run out, no point to plead for another five minutes to take one last photograph. "We are sorry to hurry you, but the Prince has appointments all day." That's it. The meeting is over. Reza Pahlavi, himself, would have stayed a while longer to discuss with you. Like a fine Easterner, he appreciates a long chat. He likes to argue, to debate, exposes his ideas and above all, to talk about his country, Iran, the goal of his struggle for 25 years.
POINT DE VUE: Do you think that one day you will become the Shah of Iran, like your father?
REZA PAHLAVI: I have always said that the form of the regime is not the key question. Most important is the content of the regime. It must be founded on the sovereignty of the people, the universal declaration of human rights, and the secularism of the state. It is on these pillars that a democratic future can be drawn for Iran. Once these principles of government have been won, the people can choose between a democratic republic and constitutional monarchy.
PDV: What will be your future role then?
RP: It is not the future that preoccupies me, but the present. Today, my only mission is to gather the opposition, inside and outside Iran. We must work together, to finally bring down this regime, to manage well the transition period and organise free elections and a national referendum.
PDV: What will be the main goals of this referendum?
RP: The first objective will be to mark the official end of the Islamic republic. The second, to allow the Iranian people to express their support for the principles that I have just outlined. The Iranian republic is a theocracy, we must never forget that. In this system, the citizens are considered as children, incapable of self-government. All the decisions are taken by the Supreme Leader. Only he can interpret the laws of the Koran. We are in a week of parliamentary elections in Iran, but the word election has no real meaning. It is not the deputies who make the law. They propose it to a council, which itself depends on the Supreme Leader. This calling to the ballot box is nothing more than a facade. According to official statistics published recently by the Ministry of Information, nine out of ten Iranians are not bothered by the elections.
PDV: Do you think that they are prepared to rally to the Pahlavi name which has been criticised all these years?
RP: One does not appreciate the height of a mountain unless you stand at its foot. You need some distance. History is the same thing. You need to take some distance to write. Iranians today do not have the same opinion of the Iran of my father or grandfather as the Iranians of 1979. Under their rule, the country made significant progress, materially, socially and intellectually. Of course, it was not perfect. Surly, there were mistakes. I do not deny it. But the situation in Iran then has nothing comparable to today. So, I carry the name of Pahlavi, but I have not inherited in the historic sense, the political methods of my father and my grandfather. I have my own ideas, my own vision.
PDV: After 25 years of living in exile, do you still feel Iranian?
RP: Iran is my country. That I live in Washington makes no difference. We are three million and a half Iranians living in exile, but we live in Iran every day. It is our passion. We have a key role to play in the future of our country. Among the 3.5 million exiles, we find captains of industry, directors of N.A.S.A space missions, doctors, heads of clinics, artists, writers, journalists. Our diaspora possesses a colossal fortune estimated at 600 billion dollars. It is an enormous potential which neighbouring countries like Afghanistan and Iraq do not possess.
PDV: Is it this Iranian community that finances your movement?
RP: The diaspora takes care of many costs, notably the media networks, such as the television and radios which broadcast from outside the country. But 95% of these funds are spent inside the country. These funds allow for concrete action, to assist those who want to organise demonstrations, to distribute pamphlets, or to buy a mobile telephone.
PDV: According to you the days of the Islamic republic are numbered?
RP: The fissures are getting bigger and bigger and it will fall apart by itself. We can push it over by launching a non-violent civil disobedience movement. I am encouraging this strategy among all those Iranians whom I am in direct contact. It does not matter to me if they are republicans or monarchists, of the right or of the left, we have to row all together to arrive upon the shores of democracy. The ideas that I have been articulating for many years is starting to have an important echo in Iran. Even among the heart of the Armed Forces, the Guardians of the Revolution and the Clergy.
PDV: How are you able to stay in touch with all these people?
RP: We have a network which thankfully allows us to communicate in all secrecy. And thanks to God, we live in the age of the Internet and satellite communication. This technology allows me to enter the most remote regions of Iran. I only need my personal computer and mobile telephone to dialogue with an Iranian. The Islamic regime may block the internet sites, interrupt the airwaves, but it can not cut off 50 million young Iranians who are fed up with being told what to wear and what to think. Their sole demand is to be allowed to live. They are confronted by terrible problems of drugs, prostitution, depression and suicide. Every year, 250,000 of them flee clandestinely from the country.
PDV: Recently, you met with the grandson of Ayatollah Khomeini, the sworn enemy of your father. Did you talk about these things to him?
RP: Not only did we talk, but we agreed 99%. It does not matter that he is the grandson of Khomeini and I the grandson of Reza Shah. We are of the same generation. We have lived through the same experiences, historically, politically and intellectually during these past 25 years. Logically, we came to the same conclusion. As long as this regime exists, we can never come out of this situation. Our only disagreement rests in the role that the West can play in the liberation process of our country. He believes in the necessity of external pressure, an American operation. I do not.
PDV: Why?
RP: The Iranian people do not need a military operation. On the contrary, they expect the international community to cease dealing with this regime. Two days ago, I secretly met here, in Paris, with young Iranians, who had travelled from the big cities. They had come specifically to meet with me. Their message was very clear: "Tell the media and the Western governments that they must halt giving this regime its legitimacy. When Prince Charles visits Bam, even as part of a humanitarian effort, fifteen days before the parliamentary elections, the regime's officials are ecstatic. They pose for pictures with delegation members, with smiles on their lips, and they snub the Iranian people." The West protests against the fact that certain candidates have been barred from standing at the elections, but that is not important. Even if Mr Khatami's brother is elected as deputy, that does not change anything. We must boycott the entire regime. We do not need anybody to liberate us, but we will never forget those who gave us a hand. What is the point of giving the Nobel Peace prize to Shirine Ebadi, whilst continuing to deal with the very regime that she is fighting against?
POINT DE VUE (No:2900)
Interview by Vincent Meylan
Photos by David Atlan
Translation: CK, London.
Iran va Jahan
http://www.pointdevue.fr/contenu/fr/default.php?rb=1Fitch: Iranian elections could constrain sovereign ratings
The preliminary results of Islamic Republic of Iran's parliamentary elections held on February 20 are a clear setback for the movement towards social and political reform, says Fitch Ratings.
The agency considers political risk to be one of the most important constraints on Iran's sovereign ratings, and warns that the shift from a reformist to a conservative parliament could heighten political risk if it is accompanied by reform reversals. Iran's Long-term foreign currency and local currency ratings are B+ with a Positive Outlook.
Based on the dismissal of large numbers of reformist candidates by the Guardian Council, the election boycott by some of the major reform groups in response and the inability of the entire process to stir much voter interest, the election outcome was not unexpected. "What is most disturbing is that political debate seems to be taking place largely amongst politicians and the authorities in the various councils," says Senior Director of Sovereigns, James McCormack.
Voter turnout has been reported at 51 percent, which is low compared to past elections and considering the concerted effort by the country's leaders to encourage people to vote. "One way to interpret this is that people have turned away not only from the reform movement, which is often criticized for its lack of achievements, but also from the political process itself," McCormack adds.
In Fitch's view, there are potential medium-term concerns associated with the public's political disengagement. If the political and social agendas that are set and enacted by the authorities become less reflective of public sentiment over time, there is a risk of increased friction and disagreement. However, the agency emphasizes that it does not expect any political instability in the short term, and that there is no evidence of any disruptive medium-term developments.
Economic reform was not a major election issue, but is set to continue under the Third Five-Year Development Plan (FYDP), which concludes in March 2005. The Fourth FYDP is well advanced, with its principles already agreed among all of the relevant institutions involved in planning and implementing policy.
Fitch expects privatization to be accelerated, possibly including some of the state-owned banks, further trade liberalization, tax reform, the introduction of more clearly delineated roles for the Oil Stabilization Fund and a change in the relationship between the state and the national oil company that would allow the latter a greater degree of independence and enhance fiscal transparency.
Although Parliament has not been a significant force in initiating or promoting economic reform, Fitch will monitor whether it now begins to slow the process.
http://www.menareport.com/story/TheNews.php3?action=story&sid=271118&lang=e&dir=mena