Qatar Remains Defiant in Its Approach

DOHA, Qatar (AP) - Israelis and militant Palestinians, million dollar Russian gas deals and Chechen rebels, a U.S. military base and a television network airing statements urging the killing of Americans - all exist side-by-side on one tiny Gulf peninsula.

But in less than 10 years, it has freed itself from the shadow of its powerful neighbor, Saudi Arabia, to promote its own, independent foreign policy. Along the way, it has launched a television station that redefined news coverage for Arabs and publicly declared the opening of an Israeli trade office in its capital - breaking the region's taboo on contacts with the Jewish state.

Qatar hasn't hidden its political moves, which a Doha-based Gulf diplomat said privately annoys more conservative governments in the region that are ``used to keeping their populace in the dark.''

Qatar prides itself on being on good terms with everyone: It showed sympathy for the Palestinians by taking in members of the militant group Hamas who were expelled from Jordan.

But the car bomb assassination Friday of former Chechen President Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev in Doha - an unprecedented attack in a politically stable country - is likely to raise questions.

Yandarbiyev was on a United Nations' list of people with alleged links to al-Qaida, which is blamed for the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. Washington also put him on a list of international terrorists who are subject to financial sanctions.

Russia had been seeking the Chechen's extradition from Qatar, where he lived nearly four years, accusing him of ties to kidnappers and terrorists. But the Gulf state would not expel Yandarbiyev despite the country's close cooperation with Russia in the gas industry and other areas.

Qatar cites Arab hospitality and traditions of offering sanctuary for its willingness to host Yandarbiyev, and others, such as Abbasi Madani, one of Algeria's top two Islamic leaders. But there is a practical purpose as well: defusing anger for allowing U.S. military bases in the country.

The United States set up a military command center in Qatar before launching last year's war in Iraq and continues to maintain a military presence there.

Qatar also is home to Al-Jazeera, a 24-hour news channel that the U.S. government assails for what it says are broadcasts that incite violence against Americans. The Qatari government says Al-Jazeera is independent and follows its own editorial policy.

Despite diplomatic efforts, Washington has been unable to persuade Doha to rein in the channel, seen by many Arabs as an outlet to their anger against American policies in Iraq and the Palestinian territories.

Qatar, once a community that survived on fishing and boat-building, now boasts a state-of-the-art infrastructure and regularly hosts international events.

In December 2001 - a time of unparalleled jitters over terror attacks in the wake of the Sept. 11 strikes on New York and Washington - Qatar played host to the World Trade Organization summit. Security was so tight and visa regulations so rigid that the usual WTO protesters were few. The summit went off without a security hitch, though Qatari methods were criticized.

Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani remains the final authority on all matters, but the ruling family has granted some more democratic methods for its people, holding municipal elections in which women could vote and run for office, working on a constitution and promising an elected parliament.

Government policies are not discussed in public, but life generally is comfortable and acceptance of Sheik Hamad's decisions stems more from respect and the assumption he is looking out for their interests than fear. Qataris insist that, should they choose, they are free to take their leaders to task on any matter.

``There is no dissent here because our government gives us the opportunity to voice our opinions. I don't need foreign governments to tell me if my country is doing the right thing. I can decide for myself and approach officials here with my concerns,'' said Hamad Ali, a Qatari civil servant.

Qatar's choices, including allying itself with the United States, aren't hidden, the Gulf diplomat said, speaking on condition of anonymity. The country wants to open its society somewhat to avoid having Western-style democracy imposed on it, he added.

It might stumble along the way, the diplomat said, but it appears intent on going forward.

Here's some more in depth analysis from the Oxford Business Group (http://www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com/default.asp). They're a pretty good resource for analysis along economic-geo/political lines for certain countries in the region.

Labour Demand Puts Qatar in a Quandary
http://www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com/weekly01.asp?id=779

While most Qataris would probably say that last year's US-led invasion of Iraq had little impact on their country's booming, gas-fuelled economy, it has made for major changes in at least one area - the labour market.

The relocation of the US military central command (CENTCOM) from Saudi Arabia to the country last year may be partly responsible for this. The arrival of this major facility gave an important boost to Qatar's non-oil industries - and to labour-intensive areas such as construction and services.

Following the pattern seen in other Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries, much of the unskilled and semi-skilled labour involved in these sectors has been drawn mostly from India and Pakistan, followed by Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. As the diaspora publication Little India says of Qatar in its February 9 issue, "now that the US armed forces are making it their home... the demand for labour is growing."

Yet much of this labour is also unregistered. As one local banker noted, "There's now a significant population here that's not on the official numbers list... so there are additional local requirements."

Within India itself, the émigré labour market is concentrated heavily in the south-western state of Kerala, directly across the Arabian Sea from Oman and also the most accessible part of South Asia for the labour-hungry markets of Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Statistics are hazy, but natives of Kerala are believed to account for more than half of the Indian nationals currently working in the Gulf.

Along with historic ties of maritime commerce, this Indian state has a relatively prominent Muslim minority, usually estimated at 20-25% of the population, compared to around 10% for India as a whole. According to workers in Doha, the Qatari government shows a preference for Muslim applicants in seeking to fill unskilled or semi-skilled industrial or service jobs. One impoverished district, Malappuram, where Muslims form the majority, "sends most of its young men to work in oil-rich Arab countries", according to a recent Inter Press Service news agency report.

Kerala's economy, much like those of the Gulf, has come through the recent war unscathed. This was not the case in 1991, when thousands of expatriate labourers returned home from the conflict zone, causing a loss of remittance payments as well as a heavier unemployment burden. Today, a more pressing concern in Kerala is an ongoing labour clampdown in the UAE, which is trying to prevent migrant workers from settling or retiring on its soil. Sooner or later, similar issues are bound to arise in Qatar.

Already, Doha's cab drivers - a mix largely of Keralans, Bengalis, Afghans and Yemenis - fearfully anticipate the removal of their orange and white, independently operated cars from the streets within the next six months. The government has decided to replace them with a door-to-door limousine service, contracted out to one or two private companies, as in Dubai. Registered taxi owners - all Qataris - will reportedly be paid QR125,000 (about $45,000) per vehicle as compensation, while about one-half of the current taxi drivers may be hired to drive limousines. The remaining drivers, however, could be out of luck - unless they want to do construction work.

Economies throughout the six-country GCC performed better than expected in 2003, buoyed by rising oil revenues. Political unease aside, confidence in Iraqi reconstruction is evident in new infrastructure investments, which some analysts have compared to the oil boom of the 1970s. Qatar, for its part, has the added bonus of the North Field, containing some 900 trillion cu feet of offshore natural gas, known about for 30 years but only recently being opened up for commercial exploitation. The expected revenue is already being leveraged to build world-class education and athletic facilities - the country is in a frantic rush to get ready for the 2006 Asian Games, which it will host.

All this means more demand for labour, which puts Qatar in a quandary. The tiny emirate's population has more than doubled since 1985, largely as a result of labour migration from South Asia. More strikingly, Qatari citizens still number only 120,000, less than one-fifth of the current total. The New York-based non-governmental organisation Human Rights Watch puts the number of foreign workers in Qatar at 615,000 - slightly above other estimates, but close enough to give a clear picture.

The government promises to "Qatarise" the energy and industry sectors by replacing skilled expatriates with qualified locals. European consultants, ironically enough, have been brought in to analyse and document existing jobs at Qatar Petroleum (QP), the centrepiece of the state oil and gas establishment. "Wherever possible, we will continue to employ those high-performing expatriates in new business developments and expansions," said QP Chairman Abdullah bin Hamad al-Attiyah, who also doubles up as the energy minister.

But locals would not - and to be fair, could not - replace the hundreds of thousands of unskilled South Asian migrants who hold more menial jobs. With GDP growing at around 10% per year, labour demands are bound to increase further. "More work," said columnist Julie Flint in the Daily Star (Beirut) last month, "means more migrant workers. And more economic opportunity means more international scrutiny."

Human Rights Watch has urged Qatar, along with other GCC states, to ratify (and comply with) the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, also known as the Migrant Workers Convention (MWC). Under the agreement, countries are supposed to extend the same wages and health protection to foreign workers as to nationals. Qatar's government, while insisting that the Sharia already ensures sufficient recognition of workers' rights, agreed on the need for "combating and punishing international smugglers of migrants and protecting the victims of this unlawful activity".

The MWC was adopted by the UN General Assembly as long ago as December 1990 (in the wake of Iraq's invasion of Kuwait), yet only last year did it finally get its 20th ratification (Guatemala), thus making it international law. The only two Arab states that have signed it - Egypt and Morocco - are significant labour exporters, as are practically all other signatories.

But with the convention now officially in effect, the Gulf states are hardly alone in holding out. "Not a single major industrialised country has ratified the MWC," Flint wrote. "Not one."

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