Posted on 12/31/2003 7:35:46 AM PST by SJackson
The recent parliamentary elections in Serbia, which greatly strengthened nationalist and anti-Western parties, are an example of how Western intervention in Serbian affairs may have negative consequences.
These elections, as well as the recent presidential election in which the indicted war criminal Vojislav Seselj, now in detention in The Hague, received the largest number of votes (but was not elected president because less than 50 percent of registered voters went to the polls), are a clear indication of the nationalist, anti-Western backlash which has characterized Serbian politics in the last years, greatly encouraged by insensitive Western policies.
NATO did the right thing to intervene in 1999 to protect the Kosovo Albanians from Serbian atrocities. After years of idly standing by while Milosevic and his henchmen perpetrated numerous war crimes in Croatia and Bosnia, the humanitarian intervention in Kosovo set international standards which will be a future benchmark against genocide and ethnic cleansing.
In Serbia itself, intervention also led to a bloodless uprising in Belgrade, which put an end to Milosevic's rule.
But the international community went to the other extreme: from passivity it moved into high gear. The UN, whose blue helmets were complicit, by their neutrality between murderers and victims, in the massacre in Srebrenica, viewed the extradition of the fallen and defeated Milosevic as a condition for re-admitting Serbia into the family of nations.
This was a cardinal mistake. The newly elected liberal prime minister, Zoran Djindjic, inherited a country defeated, humiliated and in dire economic straits. He needed Western support, political and economic, to steer a democratically-oriented course under extremely difficult conditions. Despite Milosevic's downfall, many of Serbia's citizens, brainwashed by more than a decade of propaganda, still viewed the fallen leader as a national hero. Serbia's tortured history is replete with sagas of victimization and persecution. Instead of helping Djindjic in his difficult role, the West made economic aid contingent on the handing over of Milosevic to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. When Djindjic did this, reluctantly, he became viewed by many Serbs, including many who opposed Milosevic and his policies, as forfeiting his country's sovereignty for 30 pieces of silver.
THE FACT that at the time of his extradition Milosevic was already under house arrest and was about to be indicted in Serbia on a variety of charges albeit not on war crimes made many people feel that the insistence on extradition was counterproductive to a peaceful transition to democracy in Serbia. Better, many argued, to let the Serbs themselves sort out their history, incomplete as the process may be.
Since the extradition Djindjic was a marked man, especially as the democratically-elected president of Yugoslavia, Vojislav Kostunica a dour, legalistic nationalist opposed the extradition and claimed that it was unconstitutional.
The anger against Djindjic greatly weakened his democratic coalition, which was also torn by internal strife and accusations of corruption. His assassination nine months ago by members of the security services connected with criminal gangs eliminated the single democratic politician who, for all his faults, appeared as the only person able to lead Serbia toward a democratic transition. The government crackdown, after Djindjic's assassination, was not limited to nationalist extremists or mafia gangs: it seriously hurt civil rights in a country struggling to extricate itself from a lengthy history of autocracy.
After the successful ousting of Serbian forces from Kosovo, the international community failed once again to take the measure of the complexities of the situation: rather than easing Serbia's way in coming to terms with its defeat and history, it rubbed the rest of Serbia's pride in the dust and helped turn Milosevic who was ousted by a popular uprising into a national hero, and made Serbian Radical Party leader Vojislav Seselj, whom most Serbs abhor for his war crimes in Croatia and Serbia, the leader of the largest party in the land.
The scandal is that it is the same Western and UN politicians who did nothing when Serbian forces murdered and raped for years all over former Yugoslavia who became the most ardent proponents of bringing Milosevic to The Hague. By this they were making the transition to democracy even more difficult in Serbia.
I'm sick of this nonsense. Slobo started out as a troublemaker, but the Serbs committed fewer atrocities in Kosovo than the Albanians.
If the Serbs were committing genocide in Kosovo, then how come the percentage of Albanians rose from something like 50% at the death of Tito to 90% at the time that clinton decided it would be nice to bomb Belgrade?
The Albanians in Kosovo were behaving much like the Palestinians in Israel. And they likewise included numerous terrorists who came in over the border to kill Serbs. People STILL don't understand what clinton did in the Balkans. He helped our enemies and bombed our allies.
A destabilized region around Rwanda doesn't affect American trade as much as the then destabilized and "soon to be even more destabilized by 1.6 million Kosovar Albanian refugees" Balkans Milosevic was making in 1999.
Milosevic was first warned about his mistreatment of Kosovar Albanians in 1992 by Bush the Elder, and had his last real chance of keeping Kosovo in October of 1998. He threw it away in the spring of '99.
Then you choose to remain ignorant.
Over 800 Kosovar Albanian victims have been found in Serbia itself, transported there in a replay of Srebrenica's failed "hide the bodies" ploy. Particularly damning is a mass grave found on the grounds of the Serbian secret police, who, showing the usual motivation have failed to investigate how the corpses got there.
Btw, by the end of 2001, just over 4,200 K-Albanian victims had been exhumed from mass graves in Kosovo itself, so your views of Kosovo appear to lack a factual foundation.
You might want to rectify that situation.
The "100,000 dead" issue arose from a statement to the effect that there were over 100,000 Albanian men unaccounted for inside Kosovo, and given Serb atrocities in Bosnia, there was reason to fear for their health.
Does the lack of finding WMD's in Iraq or the hyperbole surrounding the issue prior to our invasion invalidate our actions there?
No.
Same - same with Kosovo.
There seem to be two sides to this one. The one side includes Slick Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Madeline Albright, Wesley Clark, the KLA and AlQuaeda, and a nation of pimps and drug-dealers known as Albania, the the other side appears to consist of Slobodan Milosevic and at least one branch of the Christian church.
This one simply doesn't strike me as terribly difficult to figure out.
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