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Posted on 01/28/2026 5:33:32 AM PST by Twotone
For a long time, we treated political violence like a weather event: rare, localized, tragic—then over. But law enforcement and researchers have been warning for years about a mindset that is different from normal extremism. It’s not “I want my side to win.”
It’s “I want the system to break.”
This mindset has a name: accelerationism.
This is exactly what is happening in Minnesota right now. It’s moved beyond peaceful protest; it’s even moved beyond “mostly” peaceful protest. Things have begun to accelerate.
“Accelerationism”—right or left—has a recognizable logic. It is a rising ideology that believes society is corrupt beyond repair. Institutions are illegitimate. Chaos is a tool. Violence is an accelerant. That’s not a theory. That is an observable ideological pattern across multiple movements and decades. The key change in the last several years is this: it’s more connected than it used to be. It is not necessarily more disciplined. It is not necessarily bigger in raw numbers. But it is more connected—more quickly mobilized—more capable of spreading tactics, targets, and narratives. Accelerationism is going mainstream. That changes the risk profile. The second fact: The line between “protest” and “insurgent behavior” is being tested,
Protest is protected. Even loud, offensive protests that make you furious.
But there’s a line that every stable society must defend, or it ceases to be stable. That line is crossed when groups begin to coordinate to obstruct lawful operations as a strategy, not an accident. They track or identify government personnel for intimidation. They build parallel communications networks specifically designed to evade accountability. They justify targeting state actors as morally necessary.
Those are not theoretical markers. They are historically recognizable markers. When those behaviors appear, the question is no longer, “Is this a demonstration?” The question becomes: “Is someone trying to build veto power over law enforcement through fear?” Because once a movement believes it can control outcomes by making enforcement too costly—too dangerous—too politically radioactive—then law becomes optional. And when law becomes optional, the next step is not persuasion.
It’s escalation. The third fact: Cities become laboratories when enforcement is inconsistent
This is the part that’s hard to say out loud, because it sounds like an insult to the city. It isn’t. It’s sociology. When you have an environment with deep political polarization, high distrust of institutions, uneven prosecution, activist ecosystems with strong NGO infrastructure, and a constant media feedback loop, those conditions don’t automatically produce violence. But they do produce something else. They produce repeated stress tests. It is not “one riot.” It is not “one clash.” It is a series of probes.
How fast can we mobilize?
What are police allowed to do?
Will prosecutors follow through?
Will federal authority pull back if we make it ugly enough?
Can we create martyrs?
Can we flood the zone with a narrative before facts catch up?
That is what “laboratory” means: not that everyone is guilty, but that the environment is ideal for testing the boundaries of the state. If the state responds with either overreach (which manufactures recruits) or paralysis (which manufactures militias), then you have a recipe for replication. What it means: You’re watching a legitimacy war, not just a street conflict
Most people misread this as left vs right.
But the deeper problem is when a large number of Americans—across different tribes—believe enforcement is political, courts are selective, bureaucratic power is unaccountable, and rules change depending on who you are. Then extremists don’t need to “convert the nation.” They only need to convince a small percentage that the system doesn’t deserve obedience. Once that idea spreads, violence starts to sound like a “tool” instead of a taboo.
That’s the true danger: normalization.
It is not an instant civil war. It is something quieter and more corrosive. Intimidation becomes routine. Doxxing becomes standard. Threats become organizing tools. Violence becomes “understandable.” And every incident gets absorbed into a propaganda engine before the facts are even known. This is how countries fracture: not in one dramatic day, but in a slow permission slip. The most dangerous phase is the early phase
History is blunt here. The phase that destroys republics is not when violence is everywhere. It’s when violence is still sporadic—but is being justified, romanticized, excused, and operationalized. That’s when recruitment grows. That’s when copycats appear. That’s when people stop trusting investigations. That’s when each side begins preparing for the worst—and preparation itself becomes self-fulfilling. What must be true if we want to stop it
If we want to avoid the slow fracture, these things have to become non-negotiable. There must be uniform consequences for political violence. There are no “our side” exceptions. There is no moral licensing. There are no “mostly peaceful” euphemisms when someone is trying to terrorize a community into compliance. There must be lawful, restrained, visible enforcement. Precision matters. Overreach creates martyrs. Weakness creates paramilitaries. The state has to be both firm and disciplined. There must be radical transparency after any serious incident. Bodycam, timelines, independent review—fast. Because legitimacy does not survive in an information vacuum.
There must be sunlight on funding and coordination networks. This is not to criminalize civic groups—America needs civic groups. But it is to expose when money, organization, and street pressure merge into something coercive. There must be a national re-tabooing of political violence. The fastest way a country loses itself is when citizens start saying, “Well… I don’t like it, but I understand it.” No. You don’t “understand” political violence in a safe country. You condemn it, you prosecute it, and you deny it cultural permission. And here’s the sober conclusion
We are not doomed. But we are in a threshold moment—where a minority of people are trying to normalize the idea that power can be taken or blocked through fear. If that threshold is crossed, you don’t get “freedom.” You get factional control. You get selective enforcement. You get vendettas. You get a country where the quiet decent people withdraw from public life, because it’s too dangerous to speak. That is not America’s future—unless we allow it. And the way you prevent it is not with rage. It’s not with denial.
It’s with one standard, applied to everyone, in daylight. Because the only thing stronger than an angry street is a public that believes the law is real.
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America is collapsing because we gave stupid people the vote. Then we gave them money so they'd keep voting stupidly.
Now, our most lethal enemy is ... ourselves. And Americans are getting more stupid by the minute.
George Carlin said it best:
“Now, there’s one thing you might have noticed I don’t complain about: politicians. Everybody complains about politicians. Everybody says they suck. Well, where do people think these politicians come from? They don’t fall out of the sky. They don’t pass through a membrane from another reality.
They come from American parents and American families, American homes, American schools, American churches, American businesses and American universities, and they are elected by American citizens. This is the best we can do folks. This is what we have to offer. It’s what our system produces: Garbage in, garbage out. If you have selfish, ignorant citizens, you’re going to get selfish, ignorant leaders.
Term limits ain’t going to do any good; you’re just going to end up with a brand new bunch of selfish, ignorant Americans.
So, maybe, maybe, maybe, it’s not the politicians who suck. Maybe something else sucks around here... like, the public. Yeah, the public sucks. There’s a nice campaign slogan for somebody: ‘The Public Sucks. F*ck Hope.”
Well, accelerationism should have one final outcome, land the 101 airborne and make the CG the military governor for the duration of the emergency.
When has justice ever been meted out evenly? I don’t think I’ve ever seen it.
“It’s not “I want my side to win.” It’s “I want the system to break.””...
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Just a reminder: Lenin and Trotski were also losers, as was Mao, A. Hitler, & Castro.
We are in a civil war right now it just hasn’t been officially declared.
Only one side is fighting.
Yep.
bump
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