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A Warning from 1765
"The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution" ^ | 1765 | Charles Carroll

Posted on 12/25/2002 9:43:34 PM PST by fire_eye

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To: Ohioan
No, I was merely commenting on what I observed in one locale, which I visit often because I own real estate there, and have friends there, and visit there for various entertainment reasons. It was not meant as some macro comment with great import.
41 posted on 12/28/2002 8:43:43 PM PST by Torie
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To: Torie
Not at all. They're one in the same in politics. Perhaps that's my confusion, then?
42 posted on 12/28/2002 8:43:49 PM PST by nicollo
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To: nicollo
Yep, they are totally different. That is why I am willing to increase taxes on myself, as I have posted often. High income earners need to pay a bit more, cateris paribus. That in particular may be a stupid public policy, but that is what I mean.
43 posted on 12/28/2002 8:46:29 PM PST by Torie
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To: fire_eye
Just an observation I would like to make--Charles Carroll was the only Catholic and the "Last of (all) the Signers" of the Declaration of Independence. He was so well-liked, he was elected in Maryland by Protestants during a time that Catholics were not allowed to vote. This was according to laws enacted by the Puritans who invaded Maryland, doing away with the "Toleration Act" that was in place when Catholics "ran" the colony.
44 posted on 12/28/2002 8:54:47 PM PST by GOP_Thug_Mom
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To: Torie; nicollo
To get it right requires constant effort and reflection.

True. Maybe the founders were trying to avoid the violent sectarianism of previous centuries and their wars of religion. "Pluralism" is a 20th century concept, but one could apply it to the desire of the founders to build a society in which people could live together without fighting over doctrines and dogmas.

Madison would draw people out of their little communities, ethnic, religious, income and occupational groups to work on projects with a broader appeal and hope that it would keep those groups from battling with each other for dominance. But his frame of mind didn't forsee massive cities, corporations or bureaucracies or increasing secularization and the decay of older moral foundations, so it's natural that some people would be disillusioned with how things worked out.

I think Madison's project will succeed and hope it will. It's easy to criticize it. Moving beyond the little religious, ethnic or local communities to a national or global society can mean leaving moral values and limits on power behind. But looking around the world at the various ethnic and religious conflicts suggests that Madison may have been on the right track after all.

The problem with "pluralism plus progressivism," though, is that it slights traditionalism. The majority will often tend to feel that such a formula gives their own traditional views less value than those of minority groups or modernizing elites.

Standards of financial virtue have tightened up over the centuries. "Insider trading" wasn't a crime in the 18th or 19th century. English Whigs saw themselves as great friends of virtue and liberty and of increasing legal equality, yet they shared offices and government business opportunities among themselves. Putting their own money and children into government ventures was a way of backing up public spirited activities by putting their money where there mouth was. I'm not sure I buy this convenient rationale. It was one the founders would have understood, though.

I've been very critical of Thomas Jefferson and his worshippers, but he does seem to have been right about corruption. Had we gotten all of the federal institutions and projects that Hamilton and the Adamses wanted, had we made Washington DC into the real capital of the country and not just a provincial city, we would have had far more corruption. Getting government out of most things, probably did help to keep corruption down in the Jeffersonian and Jacksonian eras.

The Jeffersonian or negative concept of public virtue differs from both the government activist and the prohibitionist concepts of public virtue, and fits in well with the idea of limited government. Some will always found it inadequate, but it does seem to minimize financial corruption in government.

45 posted on 12/29/2002 7:57:14 PM PST by x
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To: x
Moving beyond the little religious, ethnic or local communities to a national or global society can mean leaving moral values and limits on power behind.

Actually Gary Wills in one of his books suggests that Madison thought the opposite. Pluralism could only work on a national stage because it tended to mitigate provincialism. Wills views Madison as sort of a closet federalist in that aspect. I suspect Madison would welcome more inclusive institutions.

46 posted on 12/29/2002 8:24:56 PM PST by Torie
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To: nicollo
The only 'virtuous' arguments regarding slavery were made by rabble-rousing firebrands such as John Brown or the like. No one really took them seriously.

Even those who wanted to abolish the institution of slavery often thought the best way would be to open up the Amazon to American-owned plantations and pay the Southerners to ship their slaves there.

A New England factory would appreciate rather slowly, but a Negro slave would often be worth thirty percent more at the end of a year.

The dred scott decision was rather virtuous... it upheld property rights. One of the highest virtues the founding fathers envisioned!

Checks and balances operate to restrain unbridled power, whether it be wielded by the virtuous or not.
47 posted on 12/29/2002 8:42:40 PM PST by TinkersDam
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To: nicollo
More on corruption here. Winston Churchill, like his father before him, was convinced that his services were necessary to his country, and needed to be supported somehow if his salary and investments couldn't do the job. Churchill's finances were regarded as acceptable by the standards of the time. Today his practices would be regarded as immoral, unethical or illegal.

So at least in one area, political officials today are judged by a higher standard than their predecessors. I also see in today's paper the complaint that there is too little money in politics. Campaign contributions equalling what we spend on sausage (or something like that). But it may be not that we spend too little on politics but that politicians are sold for bargain prices.

48 posted on 12/29/2002 10:46:20 PM PST by x
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To: x; Huck
Huck, that Gary Hart thread brings me back here.

x, I've been tortured over this thread for weeks now. I swear I have an answer, but it's not exactly clear. My best effort so far was kick-started by Huck's post on that thread above, reply 18

I picked up a book on the history of American corruption. When I'm done with it (it sucks for history, but it's fun), I'll ring back.

49 posted on 01/14/2003 7:32:45 PM PST by nicollo
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To: PistolPaknMama
Discouraging isn't it.
50 posted on 01/14/2003 7:39:46 PM PST by thepitts
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To: nicollo; x
I'm not convinced that "republican virtue" is necessary to Madison's scheme.

Hmmm, this thread of threads is like that chess game Spock and Kirk used to play...

Anyway, I wish I had time to dig into Madisonian writings--I rarely if ever find small quotations sufficient--but I don't have the time. I will just say that my impression is that Madison believed certain virtues to be necessary, but that he did not rely upon virtue alone. Virtue was one essential ingredient, but there were others. And--this is something I identify with in Madison--he hedged. Checks and balances were a hedge. He made the argument that factions--a source of strife--were actually a hedge against a dominant majority. But I don't think Madison ever thought that human virtues were so abundant or so prevelant that we could get by without the hedges, which is why he hedged. The whole system--three branches, the enumerated powers, etc--is one big hedge. Not exactly an endorsement for human virtues.

Not sure if any of this helps. I'll sip my coffee, and get to work, and if something else happens on this subject, please ping me. I would like to follow along if I can. Cheers.

51 posted on 01/15/2003 5:43:59 AM PST by Huck
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