Posted on 02/21/2003 8:23:13 AM PST by Destro
hehe, you are a croat ... :)
Karadjordje
Ok then explain a evil serb subhuman like me the following:
"Privately, some officials acknowledge that the rise of Albanian nationalism in a society that is based on the principle of the equality of nationalities is the result of past errors - at first neglect and discrimination, and more recently failure to act against divisive forces or even recognize them.
'The nationalists have a two-point platform, ' according to Becir Hoti, an executive secretary of the Communist Party of Kosovo, 'first to establish what they call an ethnically clean Albanian republic and then the merger with Albania to form a greater Albania.'
Mr. Hoti, an Albanian, expressed concern over political pressures that were forcing Serbs to leave Kosovo. 'What is important now,' he said, 'is to establish a climate of security and create confidence.'"
The New York Times, "EXODUS OF SERBIANS STIRS PROVINCE IN YUGOSLAVIA", 16.07.1982, p. 8
Source: http://www.mi.sanu.ac.yu/nato/mess61.htm (<- click)
Karadjordje
And how does this fit in your great black and white picture?
What are we to make of U.S. policy in Bosnia? One minute Washington is sending fighter planes to bomb the Bosnian Serbs, the next minute it is sending peace envoys to negotiate cease-fires with them. Jimmy Carter's peace mission was only the latest in a confusing sequence of about-turns that have been the hallmark of U.S. diplomacy.
Whether or not there will be a lasting peace in Bosnia, following the cease-fire negotiated by Carter, will depend largely on what Washington does in the weeks and months ahead. Indeed, the pattern of the war over the past thirty-four months has been shaped much more by the actions of outside powers than by the will of those on the battlefield. The political interventions of the United States, in particular, have been decisive in influencing what happens on the ground. From the U.S. campaign for Bosnian independence in March 1992 to the Washington-sponsored Croat-Muslim federation in March 1994, American diplomacy has fanned the flames of war.
Washington started out in 1991 by supporting the unity of Yugoslavia and opposing the secessionist republics. By early 1992, the United States was supporting the secessionist republic of Bosnia. In early 1993, the Clinton Administration began by supporting the Vance-Owen plan for the cantonization of Bosnia, but then changed its mind and brought about the collapse of the plan. Later in 1993, Washington accepted the Owen-Stoltenberg plan for the three-way partition of Bosnia, a virtual duplicate of the three-way partition plan the Bush Administration had urged Sarajevo to reject in 1992, then rejected it, then accepted it, then rejected it again. Also in 1993, the United States adopted its "lift and strike" policy (i.e., lifting airstrikes against the Serbs), then abandoned this and began to characterize the Bosnian war as a civil rather than an international conflict, then returned to lift and strike. In 1994, Washington continued to blow hot and cold about lift and strike, changing its mind from one month and even one week to the next, blowing with the winds of Realpolitik.
Just about the only thing that has been consistent in the U.S. approach to Yugoslavia is a determination to bolster America's authority at the expense of its rivals. Thus the initial pro-Yugoslav policy in 1991 was an attempt to slow down the dissolution of the cold war order upon which America's ascendancy depended. America's about-face in 1992, when it led the campaign for an independent Bosnia, had nothing to do with higher principle; it was a maneuver to usurp the leadership role in Yugoslavia from Germany. Washington's pursuit of the lift and strike policy through 1993 and 1994 was aimed at presenting the Europeans as appeasers and the Americans as decisive leaders and defenders of a besieged multi-ethnic democracy.
Above all, American policy in Yugoslavia has been reactive reactive not to what is happening on the ground but to what the other world powers are doing at any particular time. Hence when France pushed for a settlement in early 1994 that depended on the Europeans' extracting concessions from the Serbs and the Americans' talking the Bosnian Muslims into making compromises, Washington reacted within a month by issuing ultimatums and calling for airstrikes against the Serbs in Sarajevo.
Since the end of the cold war, the Western alliance has been unraveling .
In the absence of the Soviet threat the differences among the allies have come to the fore. Yugoslavia has provided a focal point for the Western powers as they vie for position and influence in the emerging post-cold war order. Through intervention in Bosnia, each of the major powers has sought to establish its global authority, usually at the expense of its rivals.
Thus Germany has used the conflict to put itself at the center of superpower diplomacy. Bonn began by leading the campaign to recognize the secessionist republics, Croatia and Slovenia, in the face of opposition from the other Europeans and the United States. Having established its position bestriding Europe, Germany has since acted in tandem with the Americans. Yugoslavia has provided the opportunity not only for Germany's rise to power but also for Bonn's strengthened strategic alliance with America.
France and Britain, the two powers whose global positions have been undermined most by the end of the cold war, have sought to sustain their great-power status through intervention in Bosnia. From Francois Mitterrand's dramatic visit to lift the siege of Sarajevo in 1992 to John Major's commitment of more British ground troops in 1994, the leaders of these two fading powers have tried to play the great statesman in Bosnia to bolster their authority at home and abroad. Russia too has intervened in Bosnia in a bid to reaffirm its status as a great power, insisting that it should have a say in any settlement.
The instability that has characterized American policy in Bosnia can best be understood in the context of this intensified global competition among the alliance powers in recent years. And to this global disequilibrium has been added a further destabilizing element for U.S. policy. The domestic political shake-up is lending new weight to divisions in the foreign policy establishment. Today, the political antagonisms (masquerading as differences of principle) between Democrats and Republicans are played out not only in Congress but in the global diplomatic arena. This is making U.S. policy dangerously unpredictable, as evidenced by Washington's unilateral decision to opt out of policing the arms embargo against the Bosnian government in November, a move instigated by a clique of ambitious politicians in the Republican Party. Practically, the U.S. move was of little moment, but politically it was a bomb- shell. It was the most up-front statement yet that Washington is pursuing its own agenda in Bosnia.
But this U. S. unilateralism puts Washington in a no- win situation. By insisting that lifting the arms embargo against the Muslims and bombing the Serbs is the answer, the United States is in danger of being exposed as a paper tiger by drawing attention to a problem it cannot solve. Such a policy is likely to undermine rather than enhance America's status as global policeman.
Going it alone is also doing serious damage to the Western alliance. The more the Americans alienate their allies over Bosnia, the less they can expect of the alliance next time they want a favor done. Ultimately, this policy risks exposing the idea of the "international community" for the sham that it is. In the past, the United States has usually been able to get multilateral cover for its foreign policy adventures. After Bosnia, it 'is likely to be much harder. The next time the Americans ask the British or the French to support an invasion here or a bombing there, the old allies are likely to think twice about it. The more this happens, the more the actions of the "international community" will be revealed for what they really are - the self-interested exercise of power by competing states.
After a truce was called among the warring Western alliance powers in December, commentators suggested that the United States had concluded that saving NATO was more important than saving Bosnia. They were wrong .
American policy has never been concerned with saving Bosnia, only with preserving America's global leadership. It would therefore be wishful thinking to conclude that the war in NATO over Bosnia has ended. Although nobody in Washington wants NATO to collapse, a subjective desire to hold the alliance together seems insufficient to arrest an apparently unstoppable dynamic toward unilateralism. Sooner or later this dynamic in U.S. foreign policy will reassert itself, further weakening NATO.
As well as doing damage to the Western alliance, U.S. unilateralism has had a destructive effect on the ground in Bosnia. The war was effectively over in 1992. Yet almost three years later it is still dragging on. Last August, after six months of virtual peace, during which there was clearly little enthusiasm for more fighting among the warring factions, the war flared up again and escalated through the autumn and winter months. The conflict was reignited by U.S. diplomatic and logistic support of the Bosnian government.
Recall that in August, the Bosnian Fifth Corps launched an offensive in northwest Bosnia against fellow Bosnian Muslims loyal to Fikret Abdic, a Bihac politician and businessman who had made his peace with the Serbs and Croats. After concerted shelling, the towns of Velika Kladusa and Cazin, both in the Bihac pocket, fell to the Fifth Corps. Some 30,000 Abdic loyalists fled to Serb-held territory across the border in Croatia.
In October, the Fifth Corps launched an offensive out of the U. N.-designated "safe area" of Bihac, cutting a swath through Serbian territory around the enclave. The safe zone of Bihac was used as a staging area for attacks against Serb-populated areas on the Grabez plateau, leading to the expulsion of about 10,000 Serbs, who escaped to neighboring Serb-held Croatia, following the tens of thousands of Bosnian Muslims who had fled the earlier Bosnian Fifth Corps offensive.font>
The Bihac offensives were not exceptional. Elsewhere, Bosnian government troops joined forces with the Croats to take the town of Kupres from the Serbs. They also engaged the Serbs around Trnovo, Tuzla, Mostar and Sarajevo. The cease-fire in Sarajevo was broken by government soldiers, who repeatedly entered the demilitarized zone and launched attacks against the Serbs.
The point is that the Bosnian Army could not have launched such offensives unaided. External intelligence and military support were essential to its success. According to high-level European diplomatic and military sources, the United States has been providing intelligence, tactical support, training and arms to the Bosnian government forces. The C.I.A. has denied that it is working from the Sarajevo headquarters of the Bosnian Army, but it has not denied that its operatives are on the ground in Bosnia. Other American officials have been similarly selective in their denials. It would be a U.S. foreign policy first if there were no C.I.A. operatives in Bosnia. However, even if there is not a single C.I.A. agent on the ground, the United States is doing more than enough overtly to influence what is happening on the battlefield. Washington's declared lift and strike policy has encouraged the Bosnian government to keep fighting in the hope that one day the United States will really come to the rescue.
Bosnia has become the theater of war in which the rivalries among the world powers are being played out. All of Bosnia is a stage and all its armies merely players. It is not really their war any longer. The people pulling the strings are in Washington, Bonn, London, Paris and Moscow.
The Nation, "POLICY WITHOUT PRINCIPLE: The U.S. 'Great Game' in Bosnia", January 30, 1995, p.130-132
Source: http://www.balkan-archive.org.yu/kosta/external/e-us_great_game-300195-nation.html (<- click)
Karadjordje
Here is an another (last!) Report from an another ethnic group in the Serbian province Kosovo and Metohia, from the Croats (Croat paper Vjesnik!) in 1999:
One amongst them, Josip Markovic, described the situation in the Kosovska Vitina municipality in the following way: "Since the arrival of KFOR we have been left totally unprotected. At first, armed ethnic Albanians from the neighboring villages visited us dressed in KLA uniforms. They mistreated us even though we never gave them a reason for that: during the war we sided with neither side. Now they come to our village as armed civilians and they recently killed and mutilated, with an axe, Petar Tunic from the village of Sosare. We hoped that KFOR would protect us, but that turned out not to be the case. Likewise, multiethnic Kosovo is also a mirage."
Prior to sending three consecutive letters by way of which they requested protection from Zagreb, they witnessed various humiliations: one was the rape of Justina Peric from Letnica; daily theft of cattle from their stables; burning of homes, and cutting down of woods... The usurpation of the primary school in Letnica (and the local church) was particularly painful for their language, culture and tradition, because parents were told that in the future classes would be held exclusively in Albanian. Apart from the mistreatment by Albanian extremists, Kosovo Croats in recent times have had to undergo poverty - on the verge of hunger - because they have not received pensions, salaries or any other form of assistance. However, fear for their own lives and intolerable daily events are the most important reasons for the fact that only 45 Croats have remained in the village of Letnica and 15 in Vrnavkola, mainly elderly people. Janjevo is the last oasis of centuries long presence by Croats in Kosovo, with about 400 inhabitants.
Despite discrete organization, the latest exodus was no secret to the people whose task it was to prevent it - KFOR. Namely, on the road from Letnica to Skopje, eight KFOR armored troop carriers provided protection for the Croatian refugees, enabling them a safe passage to the Macedonian border, and then following a detailed search, all the way to Skopje Airport from where they flew to Zagreb. Instead of securing a peaceful and safe life, KFOR helped them to - emigrate. Rules of conduct for foreign workers in Kosovo indicate that the situation under KFOR and UNMiK protectorate is becoming increasingly uncertain and difficult. Immediately after their arrival to Kosovo, international workers and officials were able to at least freely move about the towns. However, now, for example in Pristina, they have organized and protected traveling arrangements to their work places, while they can only dream of going out for strolls.
Vjesnik,"INSTEAD OF PROTECTING KOSOVO CROATS, KFOR ASSISTED IN ETHNIC CLEANSING?", November 2 1999
Source: http://www.cdsp.neu.edu/info/students/marko/vjesnik/vjesnik38.html (<- click)
And they haven't been murdered and driven out by the albanian NAZI-allies and fashists during WWII? And they were not prevented to return to Kosovo after WWII by the communist croat dictator Tito? And they had not to endure Albanian terror and intimidation from 1945 untill 1989 that forced many serbs reluctant to leave as to save their lives and their families? And the Albanian influx kept steadily growing since 1941 because the place was a poverty stricken spithole? Why did they leave prosperous Albania and settled in the poverty stricken spithole Kosovo, where their human rights were abused and where they were mistreated by nasty serbs?
2) They failed to maintain proper border control with the Albanians.
Does improper border control entitle illegal albanian immigrants from Albania to claim Kosovo as theirs? Improper border controll over the period of almost five decades combined with the albanian abilities to multiply themselve like no other race in Eorope, distorted the demographic composition of Kosovo.
(3) They actually swallowed the Milosevic inspired Lazar and the Fascists' All Tsar Tour around Serbia in 1989 and allowed themselves to whip themselves into mindless and gibbering frenzy rather than ask, "hey, what bill of goods is this guy trying to sell me?"
You're spitting utter crap here. Not worthy any comments.
(4)They tried to commit genocide in 1999, being headed off at the pass by the US Air Force. Bad combination, resulting in a loss of Serb title to Kosovo (which I admit is a dump). If you guys wanted it all that bad, you would have stayed.
Even more crap. Please spare us the genocide bullshit here. These fairy tales have been debunked long ago. As long as there is one Serb in the Balkans, Serb title to Kosovo will never perish. The serbs commemorate Zar Lazar's defeat, so that future generations can take revenge on them.
1389-1999 Revenge oh sweet revenge, you will be mine
DER SPIEGEL (Germany), Saturday, September 21, 2002 KOSOVO The Cruelest Cleansings Renate Flottau -A strange grave lies in the midst of a large meadow in the village of Crni Luk. There are no names on the four gravestones, and the inhabitants of village of 3,000 react with distrust to questions about the dead. "This is where we buried the charred remains of the Krasniqi clan," says a young Albanian man and adds immediately with a wave of his hand: "But I do not know more than that." Twenty-four Albanians were shot, among them 13 children, and their houses were burned down. But the victims are not buried in the heroes' cemetery at the end of the village, where under a sea of Albanian flags rest its former inhabitants killed in clashes with the Serbs. They are not buried there because, according to protected testimony by eyewitnesses, the Krasniqis were apparently executed by their compatriots only after the arrival of KFOR international peacekeeping forces in the Yugoslav province of Kosovo. -"After the war the cruelest cleansings took place among the Albanians. Under the pretext that they were 'Serbian collaborators', the leaders of the KLA liquidated their political opponents; old blood feuds were settled, and Albanian civilians were executed by the Albanians themselves." The number of the victims is estimated to be more than a thousand. The perpetrators or instigators were usually former senior KLA leaders; after the war they were integrated nearly without exception into the KLA successor organization, the civilian Kosovo Protection Corps. -Also awaiting trial since not long ago are once legendary KLA commanders Sami Lushtaki and Rustem Mustafa ("Remi"). The latter is accused, along with three other KLA officers, of having raped Albanian women and killed at least five civilians in private prison camps during and after the war. -Daut Haradinaj, the notorious brother of the former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj (who in the meanwhile became head of the third largest political party, the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo), is accused with five other members of the Kosovo Liberation Army of the murder of four members of the Liberal Party (LDK) of Kosovo president Ibrahim Rugova. -Shortly before the end of the war Thaci was sentenced in absentia by a Serbian court in Pristina to ten years' imprisonment. Belgrade presented the chief prosecutor in The Hague with a disk with 27,000 pages on the alleged war crimes committed by the top KLA triumvirate. The UN police get tougher with Albanian war criminals in Kosovo. New unrest possible, because for many these criminals are still heroes A strange grave lies in the midst of a large meadow in the village of Crni Luk. There are no names on the four gravestones, and the inhabitants of village of 3,000 react with distrust to questions about the dead. "This is where we buried the charred remains of the Krasniqi clan," says a young Albanian man and adds immediately with a wave of his hand: "But I do not know more than that." Twenty-four Albanians were shot, among them 13 children, and their houses were burned down. But the victims are not buried in the heroes' cemetery at the end of the village, where under a sea of Albanian flags rest its former inhabitants killed in clashes with the Serbs. They are not buried there because, according to protected testimony by eyewitnesses, the Krasniqis were apparently executed by their compatriots only after the arrival of KFOR international peacekeeping forces in the Yugoslav province of Kosovo. The four Krasniqi brothers were considered "loyalists to the Serbian regime" and worked in Serbian companies; one of them was even as a journalist for the Serbian language newspaper "Jedinstvo". Under the Milosevic regime they enjoyed privileges; afterwards, this was their death sentence. The extermination of this family, like other Albanian crimes, could have been quickly hushed up. For since the United Nations made the Kosovo their protectorate in July 1999, they had proceeded against presumed war criminals from the numbers of the Kosovo Albanians only with velvet gloves. But now, more than three years after the NATO takeover, the international community finally dares to also confront its recent allies. Its investigators have even arrested some leaders of the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) who are suspected of committing murder. "Everyone in Kosovo knows but none dares to speak about it," says the former prime minister of the exiled Kosovars and current chairman of the New Party for Kosovo, Bujar Bukoshi. "After the war the cruelest cleansings took place among the Albanians. Under the pretext that they were 'Serbian collaborators', the leaders of the KLA liquidated their political opponents; old blood feuds were settled, and Albanian civilians were executed by the Albanians themselves." The number of the victims is estimated to be more than a thousand. The perpetrators or instigators were usually former senior KLA leaders; after the war they were integrated nearly without exception into the KLA successor organization, the civilian Kosovo Protection Corps. Allegedly a former KLA commander and two of his fellow soldiers, according to their indictment, instigated a war criminal to kill the former KLA commander Ekrem Rexha known as "Drini". This moderate Albanian had announced the publication of a book on war crimes in Kosovo, including those committed by the KLA. A few hours after Drini's death KLA deputies visited his widow in order to get "the computer with records on the announced book". However the international police responsible for postwar crimes was faster. Also awaiting trial since not long ago are once legendary KLA commanders Sami Lushtaki and Rustem Mustafa ("Remi"). The latter is accused, along with three other KLA officers, of having raped Albanian women and killed at least five civilians in private prison camps during and after the war. Daut Haradinaj, the notorious brother of the former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj (who in the meanwhile became head of the third largest political party, the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo), is accused with five other members of the Kosovo Liberation Army of the murder of four members of the Liberal Party (LDK) of Kosovo president Ibrahim Rugova. After arresting an influential KLA commander near the town of Dragas, the police stated that at the same time bomb attacks in the region stopped. Recently another senior KLA member from Prizren was brought before the investigating judge. He is accused not only of having committed criminal activities but also of being the top agent of the Albanian secret service. The hard disk of his computer in the meanwhile has become a treasure trove of information on war crimes, extortion and Albanian secret service plans. "We are slowly moving forward," says German Christian Lindmeier, a spokesman for the UN administration in Kosovo (UNMIK). Unnoticed by the public the Hague tribunal has also opened an office in Pristina. Rumors according to which the list of the Hague investigators, in addition to Serb war criminals, also includes three former KLA leaders and now influential politicians - Hashim Thaci, Agim Cheku and Ramush Haradinaj - have been neither confirmed nor denied by the spokesmen of the tribunal. According to Hague tribunal chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte, in any case indictments against some Kosovo Albanians will be filed before the end of the year. Shortly before the end of the war Thaci was sentenced in absentia by a Serbian court in Pristina to ten years' imprisonment. Belgrade presented the chief prosecutor in The Hague with a disk with 27,000 pages on the alleged war crimes committed by the top KLA triumvirate. The extradition of at least one of the former KLA leaders would be welcome for many Serbs to explain the Serbian war crimes in the Kosovo as defense of the state and population. "We know a lot," says UNMIK spokesman Lindmeier, "but our problem is witnesses. They have a gun pointed at their head. Many withdraw their original statements after threats by their former KLA fellow fighters". The heroic elite which ended up in jail is guarded by about twenty prison wardens from Germany flown in by plane to do the job. Albanian guards received death threats if they attempted to prevent escape attempts. For many Albanians the imprisoned KLA leaders are still war heroes. Every Friday demonstrators lay flowers in front of the prison in Pristina. They accuse UNMIK of developing "Milosevic tendencies". The chairman of the journalist federation, Milan Zeka, has even called on his colleagues to fight against the "police dictatorship" of UNMIK chief Michael Steiner. The German, they say, is insulting a whole generation of Albanians. But this will not discourage Steiner from further arrests and extradition of Albanians to the Hague tribunal despite rumors in Kosovo of a huge revolt by the Albanians. He will carry out every warrant for arrest of the Hague tribunal: "During my mandate we will adhere to law and order in Kosovo." RENATE FLOTTAUDer Spiegel 39/2002, "Grausamste Säuberungen", September 21, 2002
Source : http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/0,1518,215990,00.html (<- click)
Karadjordje
The U.S. 'Great Game' In Bosnia
POLICY WITHOUT PRINCIPLE
By Joan Hoey
Reprinted from The Nation - January 30, 1995
As unworthy of comment. Mindless Commie propaganda comes in many flavors. The writers for The Nation spend most of their time performing the full Monica on the corpse of Lenin: an enterprise both unseemly, and, er, fruitless, since Lenin, like Francisco Franco, remains *dead* at this time. This piece shows The Nation as enlightened as its blame of GWB for 911.
I say again: the 1990-1995 Serb war of terror and extermination on their neighbors was cooked up by Slobodamn and his b!tch wife to keep himself and his buddies in power. It worked, too. For a while.
Sometimes the dragon wins. For a while.
Karadjordje
80 % Croat hehe
Karadjordje
As for Bihac..... So--Serbs take a safe area and kill every male in it (Sreb). Bosniacs take a safe area and occupy it, but some within the area flee, others stay, and nobody gets massacred (Bihac). You see no difference.
To you, everything the Croats and Bosniacs did in the war was aggression; everything the Serbs did was perfectly OK. I'm reminded of a kid I knew in elementary school who regarded the lunch money in smaller children's pockets as his and severely beat same until they gave him "his" lunch money. Except in the case at bar we're not talking about a thug child, we're talking about a thug nation: Serbia All The Way To The Pacific.
I lived in Bosnia for two and a half years. Every time I travelled through the Republika Srpska I encountered hate propaganda: SU MA SRPSKA, SMRT MUSILIMANSAMI, the Four-C Swastika (no, I *don't* mean sister-in-law), etc, spraypainted every-damn-where. Nowhere in the Federation did I *ever* see anything similar (with the exception of the WELCOME TO REPUBLIKA SRPSKA signs I saw covered in red paint).
Fact is, yous boys gots an attitude problem. You Don't Play Well With Others or Make and Keep Friends. That would be okay, if you didn't do things like, oh, Kravica. One's freedom to do a stiff armed seig-hiel salute ends at the tip of the nose of ones neighbor. You forgot that, and now must pay the price of once more being losers.
Don't worry. There are worse fates than losing to the US. You could have lost to Germany. Again.
Oh, then read an another Communist Paper : The Washington Times
"Balkans tribunal turns to Clinton
[...] The Croatian World Congress sent a letter last week demanding that Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), open a criminal investigation into Mr. Clinton and other top officials of his administration for "aiding and abetting indicted Croatian Gen. Ante Gotovina in a 1995 Croatian military operation known as 'Operation Storm.'"
When asked if the prosecutor's office plans to indict Mr. Clinton and U.S. officials, Florence Hartmann, spokeswoman for Mrs. Del Ponte, said: "We are working on the basis of an ongoing investigation." Besides Mr. Clinton, others named in the complaint are former National Security Adviser Anthony Lake, former Deputy National Security Adviser Samuel Berger, Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and former U.S. Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith.
Fears that American officials and soldiers will be prosecuted for participating in U.N.-backed peacekeeping efforts lie behind the Bush administration's threat to scuttle the present U.N. peacekeeping mission in Bosnia."
[...]
Gen. Gotovina was indicted by the ICTY in June 2001 on charges that he exercised "command responsibility" over a military campaign in which 150 Serbian civilians were killed.
Secretly supported by the Clinton administration, Croatian forces launched a massive three-day military offensive known as "Operation Storm" on Aug. 4, 1995, in which Croatia recovered territories occupied by rebel Serbs following Zagreb's drive for independence from Yugoslavia in 1991.
The Croatian World Congress, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) that advises the United Nations, said it believes neither Gen. Gotovina nor Clinton administration officials are guilty of war crimes. However, it said that if Mrs. Del Ponte insists on prosecuting Gen. Gotovina, then American officials should be prosecuted in the interests of "evenhanded justice" because they played a pivotal role in aiding the general's campaign in Operation Storm.
The Croatian World Congress said the U.S. administration gave the green light for the operation and provided diplomatic and political support for it.
But the NGO stressed that "the most just outcome would be to withdraw the indictment against Gen. Gotovina."
The possibility that the Gotovina case will lead to U.S. officials being indicted by the ICTY worries some lawmakers on Capitol Hill."
The Washington Times, "Balkans tribunal turns to Clinton", July 8, 2002
Source : http://www.washtimes.com/world/20020708-3102700.htm (<- click)
Karadjordje
You have been to the balkans, how come you don't know sh*t about it? At least they should teach you some basic history lessons, before sending you guys on your occupation missions. Or did you catch the CNN-balkan-fairy-tale express?
Not that I look forward to that, it's just that you're spitting into the wind. Make love, not war, pal. Actually, had you guys been getting some more often, maybe they wouldn't be so annoying to everyone else.
"the largest instance of ethnic cleansing in the entire Balkan wars"
"In the face what U.N. observers in Croatia call the largest instance of ethnic cleansing in the entire Balkan wars, where were the moralist who for years have been so loudly decrying the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims. Where were the cries for block the demand for arms, the call to action on behalf of today a pitiful victims. There were the columnists, the senators, the other posturors who excoriate the West for standing by when Bosnian Muslims are victimised and are silent when the victim of the day is Serb?"
"ETHNIC CLEANSING THAT'S CONVENIENT"
Editorial in the Washington Post, August 1995,
the week of Croatian invasion of Krajina,
by Charles Krauthammer
And compare this two nice pictures carefully:
Karadjordje
...it still does not excuse for an instant what occurred at Serb hands at Kravica. Or Srebrenica. Or Nova Kasaba. Or Bijeljina. Or Tuzla. Or Sarajevo. Or Omarska. Or ... or ... or ....
Like I said. Youse Serbs gots an attitude problem. Unfortunately, one can't put an entire nation into sensitivity training, so overwhelming outside firepower to make you behave yourselves is the next best thing.
Ethnic structure of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (according to settlements) according to the population census on March 31, 1981
Private ownership of land of those households whose head of the family is of Serbian nationality in percents in Bosnia and Herzegovina (according to settlements) according to the population census on March 31, 1981
Teritorial distribution of Serbs in Croatia (according to settlements) according to the population census on March 31, 1981
Please note, these are maps from 1981. They represent the result of the genocide perpetrated against serbs during WWII. Otherwise the serbs would populate an even larger and more coherent area today. Unfortunately your pals got away unpunished for the ustasha-genocide in WII and were even encouraged to continue with in the 1990's. What you are lamenting about is the fact that the serbs resisted against beeing exterminated by their enemies in the 1990's.
As Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina claimed the right to self-determination to seperate from Yugoslvia, the serbs of Krajina and Republika Srpska in response claimed their right to self-determination and secession from the newly created statelettes. That right was denied to the serbs from the begining on, no negotiations were offered, it was just prohibited by Tudman, Izetbegovic, Genscher... and so the doors for an armed conflict were openend. Not to mention, that the secession of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina were unconstitutional in the first place and against the declared will of the serbian population, a constituent people, within those republics.
Oh what a precise definition of the beginning of the terror in 1990 against minorities.
Last but no least a third Communist paper about how Nazi history happen again ... (you should not read it, your poor brain would explode) - Reuters
Copyright © Reuters 1998
May 1, 1998
Fascist's return will force Croatia to examine past
By Laura Lui
ZAGREB, - A Croatian pensioner candidly tells of his wartime exploits in a television interview half a world away from Croatia.
Within weeks, his testimony looks set to reverberate through his homeland as it forces the young country to finally re-examine and evaluate its attitude towards its own history.
In an interview on Argentine television in early April, 76-year-old Dinko Sakic told of his time at the helm of one of the most notorious World War Two death camps -- Jasenovac, which came to be known as the ``Auschwitz of the Balkans.''
Sakic was then only 20 and his country was the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), run by the Nazi-backed Ustashe regime which persecuted and killed tens of thousands of Jews, Gypsies, Serbs and anti-fascist Croats.
Jasenovac closed in 1945 when the NDH collapsed and Sakic has since led a quiet life in Argentina.
But present-day Croatia, which has basked in nationalist sentiment ever since gaining independence from communist Yugoslavia in 1991, is now demanding Sakic's extradition to try him for war crimes.
His sudden re-emergence could have a shocking effect, forcing the country to come to terms with its past and end its tightrope walk between its Nazi and anti-fascist World War Two legacies.
``This country has been tampering with history for the past eight years. And once that starts, it's hard to come clean from such a mire,'' history professor Ivo Goldstein told Reuters.
``In the name of a feigned reconciliation of divided Croat-hood, the government tried to promote reconciliation between Ustashe and (anti-fascist) partisan fighters and their descendants. But you can't reconcile two different ideologies,'' he said.
After centuries of foreign rule, Croatia came closest to being an independent state between 1941 and 1945 under the fascist Ustashe regime.
Yet at the same time many Croatians joined the anti-fascist partisan movement led by the Communist Party and Marshal Josip Broz Tito, a Croat who later ruled communist Yugoslavia for more than 30 years.
Franjo Tudjman, who came to power in Croatia just before it seceded in 1991, was one of Tito's youngest generals. Despite his own anti-fascist background, Tudjman himself has fuelled a virulent debate about Croatia's history.
Although condemning Ustashe crimes several times, the 75-year-old president at least once referred to them as the precursors of modern-day Croatia.
``One should realise that the NDH was not just a quisling creation but an expression of the Croatian people's wish to have their own independent and sovereign state,'' Tudjman said in a 1996 interview with Croatian media.
When cracks in the Yugoslav federation started to show, many Ustashe who fled abroad after 1945 and their descendants came back to feature prominently in Tudjman's 1990 presidential campaign.
Several hardliners returned to fight for the dream of Croatian statehood and won high places in the regime.
The opposition of the minority Serb community to the idea of Croatian independence was only strengthened by the nationalist rhetoric, and the fear of a resurgence of the Ustashe was the driving force behind its rebellion.
Although the Ustashe regime was never reinstated, the government often turned a blind eye to the reintroduction of Ustashe symbols.
The kuna currency, first used as paper money under the fascist regime, was reintroduced. Rightist parties started to raise hands in Ustashe salutes during rallies.
A Catholic priest held a mass for Ustashe leader Ante Pavelic, whose pictures crept back into bars and restaurants. The priest was criticised by church officials but remained in orders.
At the same time the government advocated, or tacitly approved, the wiping away of many signs of Croatia's partisan past, despite claiming it was proud of its contribution to the Yugoslav anti-fascist movement in World War Two.
It renamed the ``Square of the Victims of Fascism'' in Zagreb the ``Square of Great Croatian People.'' The same fate befell many streets and schools named after communist leaders. Many partisan monuments were blown up.
``Our authorities have a hypocritical attitude toward our anti-fascist past. They are anti-fascists when the need arises but, when they want to fawn upon the other side, then they are not,'' Goldstein said.
``The reconciliation project was aimed at striking a balance between Ustashe and partisan crimes, in an effort to cast doubt on the gravity of the Ustashe crimes. The consequence of this has been the reappearance of some Ustashe symbols,'' he added.
The project culminated in Tudjman's proposal to re-bury Ustasha and partisan victims, as well as Croats killed in the 1991 war with minority Serbs, side by side in Jasenovac, which would turn the site into a symbol of all-Croat reconciliation.
According to independent Croatian estimates which Croatian Jews regard as most accurate, some 85,000 Serbs, Jews, gypsies and anti-fascist Croats perished in Jasenovac. Serbs and some international Jewish groups put the toll at 600,000.
The return of the former Jasenovac commander is now polarising the Croatian public. While nationalists see it as yet more Western pressure, others think the time has come for Croatia to finally shake off its historical burden.
It took a first step last August when it formally apologised to the Jewish people for crimes committed during World War Two, enabling full diplomatic relations with Israel.
Unlike Germany, which has had 50 years to try and come to terms with its Nazi past, Croatia under communism never had that opportunity. But, seven years after independence, many believe it is high time the debate was held and resolved.
``The truth about Sakic and the NDH must be told and accepted as a precondition for Croatia becoming part of Europe. Because of such fumbling with fascism and anti-fascism, Croatia has lost its anti-fascist identity,'' Goldstein said.
Ivo Banac, a history professor at Yale University and a human rights activist, agrees.
``It is not evil in itself to have fascists in your past -- most European states had them at one point in time or other. But it is a pity if you relate to them benevolently,'' he said.
``It is bad when the state gets involved on the side of those who want to change history.''
Reuters, "Fascist's return will force Croatia to examine past", May 01, 1998
Source: http://www.srpska-mreza.com/sakic/press23.htm (<- click)
Can anybody understand the fear of a repeating Serb holocaust in 1990 in Croatia? (Serb families lost many relatives that were murdered by Ustashas in WW2 in Croatia - who helped this children to grow up without parents?)
Karadjordje
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