Posted on 02/15/2006 7:19:02 PM PST by K-oneTexas
ChiPing
This is the strongest article yet by Barnett attacking the old school Pentagon.
So, by this fool's logic, we should have allied with and been friends with Nazi Germany. IMHO, this guy is an idiot.
Barnett is dumber than a post.
I am shaking my head too, the shear number of people who are supposed to be intelligent but can't see what is happening with China is just mind boggling to me.
What we have in China is a exact replay of Germany in the 1930s. Terrible economy after a previous war, economy reconvery accompanied under authoritarian regime and rising nationalism. China is a much larger country than Germany so the whole thing has played out over a longer timespan, but the parallels are almost staggering.
Taiwan is going to be their Austria and Mongolia is going to be their Poland. Japan/Korea will be France/Belgium.
Mr communist sympathizer Barnett, our powder was given away to the chinese by your treasonous bill and hillary clinton.
U S Congressional Record/Senate
106th Congress
June 23, 1999
pgs. S7483-S7486
The Clinton National Security Scandal and Coverup
Senator James Inhofe
(top right hand cornor)
* * *
Alamo-Girl.com
He's all mixed up.
Once China has sucked all the manufacturing out of the United States and sees that we can no longer make goods to protect ourselves, they will come. And all the business men, Congressman, and Senators that got rich outsourcing our manufacturing jobs will be the first to run.
You can say what you like, as I said agreement and disagreement does exist within his work. He does have the ear of the Pentagon and the Office of Force Transformation where Adm. Cebrowski was in charge.
Vice Admiral Arthur K. Cebrowski, USN (his former boss at the US Naval War College and at the Office of the Secretary of Defense) statement on the works of Dr. Barnett:
"Dr. Barnett's work puts him in the same class as the great and powerful minds that crafted America's post-World War II strategy and created the institutions that brought stability and prosperity to the Free World. Like them, he develops a formulation crossing all sector boundaries: political, economic, cultural, religious, security. But unlike them, he leaves behind containment and offers instead a hopeful and eager embrace characteristic of America at her best. He has provided a useful strategic context for the continuing process of transforming our national security structures and capabilities. As a former president of the Naval War College, I feel confident is saying that policy makers who act on this work will not go far wrong."
Dr. Barnett's wok is more of a 'marriage' of globalization and war principles and philosophy. In the past they were treated seperately and the military was always played a sort of catch up game to the state departments lead. Now they are being looked at in combination.
We can suffer through dozens of little wars like what we are fighting in Iraq right now and although it's a terrible setback if we lose one, it's not the end of the world. When you fight the big war however, losing really is the end of the world, at least for us.
Articles and Books (http://www.thomaspmbarnett.com/articles/index.htm)
The Monks of War. If official Washington has trouble learning from its mistakes, the generals fighting the war in Iraq have no such luxury. And there are many lessons to learn.
Esquire March 2006
Of all the lessons he's learned in this war, the most important one to marine lieutenant general James Mattis is this: winning this war is mostly about not losing friends along the way. In the run-up to the invasion of Afghanistan in the fall of 2001, General Mattis was charged with setting up an air base in Pakistan to make the movement of marines into the theater possible ...
Securing the Middle East with a Nuclear Iran? Excerpts from Blueprint for Action, The Globalist's Book of the Week
January 24, 2006
Even as the United States, the EU and others work to stop it, Iran's acquisition of nuclear weapons seems inevitable. But is this such a bad outcome? In "Blueprint for Action," Thomas P.M. Barnett explores the security implications involved from a U.S. point of view of Iran acquiring nuclear weapons and why it may be the best thing for the United States and the wider Middle East.
Esquire November 2005
The greatest threat to America's success in its war on terrorism sits inside the Pentagon. The proponents of Big War (that cold-war gift that keeps on giving), found overwhelmingly in the Air Force and Navy, will go to any length to demonize China in their quest to justify high-tech weaponry (space wars for the flyboys) and super- expensive platforms (submarines and ships for the admirals, and bomber jets for both) in the budget struggles triggered by our costly wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Donald Rumsfeld: Old Man in a Hurry (The inside story of how Donald H. Rumsfeld transformed the Pentagon, in which we learn about wire-brushing, deep diving, and a secret society called the Slurg)
Esquire July 2005
THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE'S suite of offices in the Pentagon is on the third deck, outermost, or E-ring of the five-sided building, in the wedge between corridors eight and nine. It's one of the older wedges, on the far side of where the new ones are to be found or are being renovated, and on the opposite side of the building, one thousand feet away, from the section that was destroyed on September 11, 2001 ...
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" (This Month, Extra Fury!) letters to the editor
Dear Mr. President, Here's How to Make Sense of Your Second Term, Secure Your Legacy, and, oh yeah, Create a Future Worth Living
Esquire February 2005
So you say you have no concern for your legacy. That some historian eighty years from now will figure out if you were a good president or not. Fair enough, but let's review so far. Your big-bang strategy to reform the Middle East took down Saddam, which was good; you've completely screwed up the Iraq occupation, which is bad; and now you don't seem to know exactly where you're going, which is not so great. This brings me to the bad news. The two players with the greatest potential for hog-tying your second term and derailing your big-bang strategy don't even live in the Middle East. Instead, they're located on little islands of unreality much like Washington, D.C.: Taiwan and North Korea.
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor
The New Magnum Force: What Dirty Harry can teach the new Geneva conventions
Wired, February 2005
Ass kickers. Rule breakers. Lone riders. The United States may be founded on individual rights and the rule of law, but Americans love Dirty Harry and his literary and cinematic brethren. These hard-nosed heroes dispatch evildoers without remorse, going outside the law when necessary. The Man With No Name doesn't explain, he simply acts.
"The Pentagon's Debate Over What Iraq Means"
The Command Post, 22 January 2005
We've been linking to the work of Tom Barnett for some time, including his two Esquire articles, "The Pentagon's New Map" and "Mr. President, Here's How To Make Sense Of Our Iraq Strategy," and just yesterday, the CSPAN stream of his famous Defense Dept. brief on a grand military strategy for the United States. He's a heavy hitter. And here's the really great part: Tom has agreed to author an exclusive perspective piece for the Command Post's Op/Ed page, which you may find below. We're thrilled to have his contribution, and we hope you find the content enjoyable and provocative. --The Command Post
Not in America's Image
Baltimore Sun, 3 January 2005
Here's the good news: Within 10 years, no one on the planet will confuse globalization with Americanization. That's because several new superpowers are rising across the landscape, offering distinctively different faces to the often-demonized globalization process. Here's a quick preview.
Commission On Review Of Overseas Military Facility Structure Of The United States (pdf) [blog entry here]
Testimony delivered at Public Meeting held on 9 November 2004, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Washington DC
"First, let me thank the Commission on Overseas Basing for inviting me to testify here today. Second, let me emphasize right from the start that I'm not an expert per se on the U.S. military's global basing structure. I am essentially a grand strategist who spends his time contemplating the long-term objectives of U.S. foreign policy with a particular focus on how the employment of military force around the world can bring about not just increased security for our country, but improve the global security environment as a whole. I have written extensively on this subject, and I know that it is primarily on the basis of my recent book, The Pentagon's New Map, that I was asked to testify today, so many of my comments here will involve describing how I think this new map informs future planning for U.S. overseas basing realignment ..."
Does the U.S. Face a Future of Never-ending Subnational & Transnational Violence?
Conference Paper: National Intelligence Council 2020 Project (May 2004)
The short answer is yes. But the more important answers are that: 1) This future is worth pursuing because it represents genuine historical progress in the de-escalation of mass violence; 2) This problem-set is boundable and easily described as a grand historical arc of ever-retreating resistance to the spread of the global economy; and 3) The sequencing of the regional tasks involved is of our own choosing.
Gaming War in the Context of Everything Else
Fire and Movement, Issue 134 (2004)
Thomas P.M. Barnett wrote an article for Esquire magazine last year entitled "The Pentagon's New Map," in which he described what he believes is the new security environment that the U.S. finds itself in today. His recent book of the same title more deeply explores his thoughts on the matter. I asked Prof. Barnett what he thought the role of the commercial board wargame industry might be in the new world war in which we find ourselves. His response is included in this issue. It's definitely worth a close read.
Adam B. Ulam, Understanding the Cold War: A Historian's Personal Reflections, reviewed by Thomas P.M. Barnett, U.S. Naval War College
Journal of Cold War Studies, Summer 2004
There is only one really legitimate measure of an autobiography, and that is its ability to bring the author to life for the reader, giving a sense of who the person was and what it must have been like to have known him or her. On that score, Adam Ulam's "personal reflections" succeed on every level.
Mr. President, Here's How To Make Sense Of Our Iraq Strategy
Esquire, June 2004
One of the architects of the Pentagon's New Map of the world offers a most important guide to a) why the boys will never be coming home and b) why this is the first step toward a world without war.
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor (Sept)
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor (Aug)
The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-First Century (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2004)
A groundbreaking reexamination of U.S. and global security, certain to be one of the most talked about books of the year.
Since the end of the Cold War, America's national security establishment has been searching for a new operating theory to explain how this seemingly "chaotic" world actually works. Gone is the clash of blocs, but replaced by what?
Thomas Barnett has the answers. A senior military analyst with the U.S. Naval War College, he has given a constant stream of briefings over the past few years, and particularly since 9/11, to the highest of high-level civilian and military policymakers-and now he gives it to you. The Pentagon's New Map is a cutting-edge approach to globalization that combines security, economic, political, and cultural factors to do no less than predict and explain the nature of war and peace in the twenty-first century.
Building on the works of Friedman, Huntington, and Fukuyama, and then taking a leap beyond, Barnett crystallizes recent American military history and strategy, sets the parameters for where our forces will likely be headed in the future, outlines the unique role that America can and will play in establishing international stability-and provides much-needed hope at a crucial yet uncertain time in world history.
For anyone seeking to understand the Iraqs, Afghanistans, and Liberias of the present and future, the intimate new links between foreign policy and national security, and the operational realities of the world as it exists today, The Pentagon's New Map is a template, a Rosetta stone. Agree with it, disagree with it, argue with it-there is no book more essential for 2004 and beyond.
Targeting Terrorism
Forget Europe. How About These Allies?
The Washington Post, April 11, 2004
Terrorists buy a national election in Spain for the price of 10 backpack bombs and remove a "crucial" pillar of the Western coalition in Iraq. Predictably, op-ed columnists and talking heads raise the cry for the Bush administration to "save the Western alliance." This is a knee-jerk response that reflects historical habit more than strategic logic.
System Perturbation: Conflict in the Age of Globalization
With Bradd C. Hayes in Raymond W. Westphal Jr, ed, War and Virtual War: The Challenges to Communities (Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2003), pp. 5-18.
Aperiodically, the international system reorders itself normally in the aftermath of a major conflict. This reordering is accompanied by the implementation of new rule sets in an attempt to firewall states from the causes of the conflict. Policymakers have openly enquired whether the end of the Cold War and the birth of the information age require a new firebreak and the implementation of a new set of rules. Because "great power war" has been the proximate cause of past restructuring, great power war has been the ordering the principle for international (and national) rules and institutions. Recent events (from so-called the Asian Economic Flu, to the Mexican peso crisis, to the Love Bug computer virus, to the heinous events of 11 September 2001) indicate that a new ordering principle is required (one in which great power war is but one possible outcome).
The Global Transaction Strategy
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Military Officer, May 2003
Operation Iraqi Freedom could be a first step toward a larger goal: true globalization.
No Retaliation at Home
Mary Suh, editor, of Week-in-Review expert roundtable "Strategy, With the Benefit of Hindsight"
New York Times, 30 March 2003
Given all the months of planning for and talking about the war in Iraq, it appeared that every possible contingency had been accounted for, if not by the military itself, then by the platoon of retired officers that seems to populate television news. But as with everything else, there is no substitute for hindsight. The Week in Review asked several prominent experts on war and on Iraq to explain what has surprised them, or not, about the war thus far.
The Pentagon's New Map (Russian translation) (German translation)
Esquire, March 2003
Since the end of the cold war, the United States has been trying to come up with an operating theory of the world--and a military strategy to accompany it. Now there's a leading contender. It involves identifying the problem parts of the world and aggressively shrinking them. Since September 11, 2001, the author, a professor of warfare analysis, has been advising the Office of the Secretary of Defense and giving this briefing continually at the Pentagon and in the intelligence community. Now he gives it to you.
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor (June)
Esquire's "The Sound and the Fury" letters to the editor (May)
The American Way of War
WITH ARTHUR K. CEBROWSKI
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], January 2003
The ultimate attribute of the emerging American Way of War is the superempowerment of the war fighter--whether on the ground, in the air, or at sea.
Asia's Energy Future: The Military-Market Link
In Sam J. Tangredi, ed, Globalization and Maritime Power (National Defense University Press, 2003)
Continuing the Economic Issues and Maritime Strategy part, chapter 10 returns to the question of the economic impact (and necessity) of naval forward presence in a region of current concern, Asia-Pacific. The 2001 DOD Quadrennial Defense Review Report identifies a policy shift in American defense policy, from a Eurocentric focus to increased emphasis on potential security threats in Asia-Pacific. Chapter 10 explains the need for such a shift through its examination of the energy needs of the existing and emerging Asian economic powers notably China. According to forecasts, perhaps more than 50 percent of Mideast oil production will be directed to the Asia-Pacific region, much of it traveling by tankers through such chokepoints as the Strait of Hormuz (between Iran and Oman) and the Strait of Malacca (between Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore). This and the potential for interstate and intrastate conflict in an arc of crises running from the Middle East to Northwest Asia suggest a continuing and increasing role for the U.S. Navy the worlds last global navy and the U.S. Marine Corps and other maritime forces in maintaining the peace and stability if that region is to share in the benefits of economic globalization.
The 'Core' and 'Gap'
The Providence Journal, 7 November 2002
Defining rules in a dangerous world.
Asia: The Military-Market Link
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], January 2002
China could be the world's largest auto market by 2020, increasing its oil needs by 40%. The Pentagon and Wall Street must understand their interrelationship: economic and political stability are crucial to reducing energy market risk.
Globalization Gets A Bodyguard
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], November 2001
Definitions of U.S. national security never will be the same after 11 September 2001. Americans now have a costly bodyguard in the form of a Homeland Security Council which could impact globalization on many fronts.
Globalization is Tested
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], October 2001
Special: In Response to the Terrorist Attacks
Freedom Isn't Free.
India's 12 Steps to a World-Class Navy
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], July 2001
The International Fleet Review in February showed off its impressive fleet;
now the Indian Navy must determine how it wants to use it.
Top Ten Post-Cold War Myths
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], February 2001
As a mobile, sea-based containment force, the U.S. Navy will continue to play an important role in the nation's foreign policy, but its missions will mirror the clustered responses in Iraq and Yugoslavia, not the obsolete two-major-theater-war standard.
Force Structure Will Change
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], October 2000
Each service stands to win--or lose--depending on what national security visions the new administration embraces. System visions favor air forces; nation-state visions favor naval forces; subnational visions favor ground forces.
Life After DODth or: How the Evernet Changes Everything
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], May 2000
The relevance of DoD has declined steadily since the end of the Cold War. Coming to grips with its passing won't be easy, but the Navy is working through the five stages of grief and toward a future in cyberspace.
The Seven Deadly Sins of Network-Centric Warfare
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], January 2000
They are not mortal sins; penance can be made.
It's Going to Be a Bumpy Ride
WITH HENRY H. GAFFNEY, JR.
Proceedings [U.S. Naval Institute], January 1993
The Navy is in for some heavy seas if its leaders fail to adopt a defense vision that gets them in the Washington game and positions them well with the star players--Senator Sam Nunn, Congressman Les Aspin, General Colin Powell, and President-elect Bill Clinton.
Romanian and East German Policies in the Third World: Comparing the Strategies of Ceausescu and Honecker (Westport CT: Praeger Publishers, 1992)
This book is a unique comparison of the Third World policies of the two East European regimes that were most active in the South during the 1970s and 1980s. The study examines why Romania's and East Germany's high activity levels in the South cannot be explained away as mere surrogacy for Moscow, and shows that those attempts represented the particular agendas of Honecker and Ceausescu in their efforts to alter their ties with the Soviet Union. Barnett concludes that Romania and East Germany saw opportunities in the Third World in the 1970s to forge strong diplomatic and security profiles within the Warsaw Pact's overall presence.
Gulf Pundits: An Op-Ed Scorecard
The Washington Post, 16 December 1990
Choosing up sides in our war of words over Iraq.
Why Ceausescu Fell
The Christian Science Monitor, 28 December 1989
His silent war against the Romanian people backfired.
Romania Domino Stays Upright
The Christian Science Monitor, 11 December 1989
Events in Eastern Europe may have caught the West unprepared, but Ceausescu has been ready for this upheaval for quite some time.
Hope for the best and plan for the worst. He seems myopic about China and disingenuous on body armor and humvees.
China is a threat, and one that cannot be ignored.
HAHAHAHAHAHAHA!
What a friggin IDIOT.
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