Free Republic 3rd Qtr 2024 Fundraising Target: $81,000 Receipts & Pledges to-date: $1,065
1%  
Woo hoo!! And our first 1% is in!! Thank you all very much!! God bless.

Posts by nolu chan

Brevity: Headers | « Text »
  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 6:24:39 AM PST · 2,250 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    [ftD #2208] Freeing a slave was difficult because of the cost involved, and it was made more difficult as slavery began to be seen as a moral good.

    [nc #2222] The Washington's were among the wealthiest families in America.

    [ftD #2245] Washington's wealth was in land and that land had to be farmed. Hence, the value of slaves.

    Poor George couldn't afford to free his slaves. If one of the richest men in America, and some say he was the richest, could not afford to free his slaves, one could only wonder who could afford to free their slaves. I know. It must have been poor Southerners who were too poor to own a slave in the first place. And, of course, Roger B. Taney who earned $1,500 a year as Attorney General.

    LINK

    George Washington

    In the name of God, Amen.

    I GEORGE WASHINGTON of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, do make, ordain and declare this Instrument; which is written with my own hand and every page thereof subscribed with my name, to be my last Will & Testament, revoking all others.

    Imprimus. All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid; and the Legacies hereinafter bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed.

    Item To my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington I give and bequeath the use, profit and benefit of my whole Estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life; except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter: My improved lot in the Town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameron Streets, I give to her & her heirs forever; as I also do my household and kitchen furniture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease; to be used and disposed of as she may think proper.

    Item Upon the decease of my wife, it is my Will and desire, that all the slaves which I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, tho' earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties on account of their intermixture by Marriages with the Dower Negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy or the same Proprietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the Dower Negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some, who from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves; it is my Will and desire that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living are unable, or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the Judgment of the Court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate & final. The negroes thus bound, are (by their Masters or Mistresses), to be taught to read and write; & to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the Laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan & other poor Children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale, or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any Slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence whatsoever. And I do moreover most pointedly, and most solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting Slaves, and every part thereof be religiously fulfilled at the Epoch at which it is directed to take place; without evasion, neglect or delay, after the Crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged & infirm; Seeing that a regular & permanent fund be established for their support so long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my Mulatto man, William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom; or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment.) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so: In either case however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative: but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first: & this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary War.

    Item To the Trustees (Governors, or by whatsoever name they may be designated) of the Academy in the Town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in Trust, four thousand dollars, or in other words twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a Free school, established at, and annexed to, the said Academy; for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor & indigent persons as are unable to accomplish it with their own means: and who, in the judgment of the Trustees of the said Seminary, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity: the dividends only of which are to be drawn for, and applied by the said Trustees for the time being, for the uses above mentioned; the stock to remain entire and untouched; unless indications of a failure of the said Bank should be apparent, or discontinuance thereof should render a removal of this fund necessary; in either of these cases, the amount of the Stock here devised, is to be vested in some other Bank or public Institution, whereby the interest may with regularity & certainty be drawn, and applied as above. And to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago; in consequence whereof an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid towards the support of this Institution.

    Item Whereas by a law of the Commonwealth of Virginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof was pleased (as an evidence of Its approbation of the services I had rendered the public during the Revolution; & partly, I believe, in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive from the extension of its Inland Navigation, under Legislative patronage) to present me with one hundred shares of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company established for the purpose of extending the navigation of James River from tide water to the Mountains: and also with fifty shares of one hundred pounds Sterling each, in the Corporation of another company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the Navigation of the River Potomac from tide water to Fort Cumberland; the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from, namely, not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render my Country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain, for its Rights: and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation that, if it should be the pleasure of the Legislature, to permit me to appropriate the said shares to public uses, I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subsequent Law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honorable manner, I proceed after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare:

    That as it has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign Countries for the purpose of Education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting, too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to Republican Government & to the true and genuine liberties of mankind; which, thereafter are rarely overcome. For these reasons, it has been my ardent wish, to see a plan devised on a liberal scale which would have a tendency to sprd. systematic ides through all parts of this rising Empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our National Councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation) my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of a UNIVERSITY in a central part of the United States, to which the youth of fortune and talents from all parts thereof might be sent for the completion of their Education, in all the branches of polite literature in arts and Sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics & good government; and (as a matter of infinite Importance in my judgment) by associating with each other, and forming friendships in Juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual Jealousies which have just been mentioned; and which, when carried to excess, are never failing sources of disquietude to the Public mind, & pregnant of mischievous consequences to this Country: Under these impressions, so fully dilated.

    LINK

    Item I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company (under the aforesaid Acts of the Legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of a UNIVERSITY to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the General Government, if that Government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it; and until such Seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further Will & desire is that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing Stock in the Bank of Columbia or some other Bank, at the discretion of my Executors; or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being under the direction of Congress; provided that honourable body should Patronize the measure, and the Dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock is to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of which I have not the smallest doubt, before many years passes away; even if no aid or encouraged is given by Legislative authority, or from any other source

    Item The hundred shares which I held in the James River Company, I have given, and now confirm in perpetuity to, and for the use and benefit of Liberty-Hall Academy, in the County of Rockbridge, in the Commonwealth of Virga.

    Item I release exonerate and discharge, the Estate of my deceased brother Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money which is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton (lying in the County of Berkeley) who assigned the same to him the said Samuel; who, by agreement was to pay me therefor. And whereas by some contract (the purport of which was never communicated to me.) between the said Samuel and his son Thornton Washington, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid Land, without any conveyance having passed from me, either to the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or the said Thornton, and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has been alienated; it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the Premises; and these are to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Thornton Washington (who is also dead) devised the same; or to his heirs forever, if he died Intestate: Exonerating the estate of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel from payment of the purchase money; which, with Interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton, would amount to more than a thousand pounds. And whereas, two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, namely, George Steptoe Washington & Lawrence Augustine Washington, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were committed, brought under my protection, and in conseqe. have occasioned advances on my part for their education at College, and other Schools, for their board, cloathing & other incidental expenses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars over and above the Sums furnished by their Estate, wch. sum may be inconvenient for them, or their father's Estate to refund. I do for these reasons acquit them, and the said estate, from the payment thereof. My intention being, that all accounts between them & me, and their father's estate and me, shall stand balanced.

    Item The balance due to me from the Estate of Bartholomew Dandridge deceased (my wife's brother) and which amounted on the first day of October 1795 to four hundred and twenty-five pounds (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son John Dandridge, who was the acting Exr. of his father's Will,) I release and acquit from the payment thereof. And the negroes, (then thirty-three in number) formerly belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on my account in the year and ever since have remained in the possession, and to the use of Mary, Widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge, with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue, and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same for the time past or to come, during her natural life; at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old & upwards, shall receive their freedom; all under that age and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age, & then be free. And to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these Negros, they are to be taken to the Court of the County in which they reside, and the Judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final; and a record thereof made; which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concerning the same. And I further direct, that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall, equally, share the benefits arising from the Services of the said negros according to the tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their Mother.

    Item If Charles Carter who intermarried with my niece Betty Lewis is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburgh, it is my Will and desire that my Executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law may require to render it perfect.

    Item To my nephew William Augustine Washington and his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting) and to his heirs, a lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Richmond) No. 265 drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of one or two, hundred acre lots, and two or three half acre lots in the City, and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased William Byrd are given; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon, Trustees of the said John Hood, numbered 139 in the Town of Edinburgh, in the County of Prince George, State of Virginia.

    Item To my nephew Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeath all the Papers in my possession which relate to my Civil and Military Administration of the affairs of this Country; I leave to him also such of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of my wife, and before; if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my Library of books, and pamphlets of every kind.

    Item Having sold Lands which I possessed in the State of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late Governor of New York, in the State of New York; my share of land, and interest, in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of Gloucester; withholding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration money should be paid. And having moreover leased, and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kanhawa, and a tract of land upon Difficult Run, in the County of Loudon, it is my Will and direction, that whensoever the Contracts are fully, and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or Assigns, that then, and in that case, Conveyances are to be made, agreeably to the terms of the said Contracts; & the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in Bank stock; the dividends whereof, as of that also wch. is already vested therein, is to inure to my said Wife during her life; but the Stock itself is to remain, and be subject to the general distribution, hereafter directed.

    Item To the Earl of Buchan I recommit "the Box made of the Oak that sheltered the Great Sir William Wallace after the battle of Falkirk" presented to me by his Lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request "to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country, who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy, or not, to select the man who might comport with his Lordships opinion in this respect, is not for me to say; but conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own Cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Goldsmith Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me; I do give and bequeath the same to his Lordship, and in case of his decease, to his heir with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honor of presenting it to me; and more especially for the favourable sentiments with which he accompanied it.

    Item To my brother Charles Washington I give and bequeath the gold-headed Cane left me by Doctr Franklin in his Will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his Issue. To the acquaintances and friends of my Juvenile years, Lawrence Washington & Robert Washington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each (as they will be useful where they live,) I leave one of the spy glasses which constituted part of my equipage during the late War. To my compatriot in arms and old and intimate friend Doctor Craik, I give my Bureau (or as the Cabinet Makers call it, Tambour Secretary,) and the circular chair, an appendage of my Study. To Doctor David Stuart, I give my large shaving and dressing table, and my Telescope. To the Reverend, now Bryan, Lord Fairfax, I give a Bible in three large folio volumes, with notes, presented to me by the Right Reverend Thomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man. To General de la Fayette, I give a pair of finely wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the Revolutionary war. To my Sisters in law Hannah Washington and Mildred Washington; to my friends Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington of Hayfield, I give, each, a mourning Ring of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear, I give the use of the farm which he now holds, in virtue of a Lease from me to him, and his deceased wife (for and during their natural lives) free from Rent during his life; at the expiration of which, it is to be disposed as is hereinafter directed. To Sally B. Haynie (a distant relation of mine) I give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, & to Ann Walker, daughter of Jno. Alton, also deceased, I give, each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me, each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my Nephews, William Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, & Samuel Washington, I give one of the Swords or Cutteaux of which I may die possessed; and they are to chuse in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self defence, or in defence of their Country & its rights; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands, to the relinquishment thereof.

    LINK

    AND NOW

    Having gone through these specific devises, with explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my Estate, in manner following:

    First To my nephew Bushrod Washington and his heirs (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were Bachelors, & he had kindly undertaken to superintend my Estate during my Military Services in the former War between Great Britain and France, that if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon (then less extensive in domain than at present) should become his property) I give and bequeath all that part thereof which is comprehended within the following limits, viz: Beginning at the ford of Dogue run, near my Mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby as it now goes, and ever has gone since my recollection of it, to the ford of little hunting Creek at the Gum spring until it comes to a knowl, opposite to an old road which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy hole Farm; at which, on the north side of the said road are three red, or Spanish oaks marked as a corner, and a stone placed.--thence by a line of trees to be marked, rectangular to the back line, or outer boundary of the tract between Thomson Mason & myself,--thence with that line Easterly (now double ditching with a Post & Rail fence thereon) to the run of little hunting Creek. thence with that run which is the boundary between the lands of the late Humphrey Peake and me, to the tide water of the said Creek; thence by that water to Potomac River. thence with the River to the mouth of Dogue Creek. and thence with the said Dogue creek, to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford; containing upwards of four thousand Acres, be the same more or less; together with the Mansion house, and all other buildings, and improvemts. thereon.

    Second In consideration of the consanguinity between them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself, as on account of the affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late Revolution; afterwards devoting his time to the Superintendence of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public employments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful: for these reasons I say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Washington, & Laurence Augustine Washington and their heirs, my Estate East of little hunting Creek, lying on the River Potomac; including the farm of 360 Acres, Leased to Tobias Lear as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by Deeds, Two thousand and Seventy seven acres, be it more or less. Which said Estate it is my Will and desire should be equitably, & advantageously divided between them, according to quantity, quality and other circumstances when the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty one years, by three judicious and disinterested men; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. In the meantime, if the termination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied, for their joint uses and benefit:--

    Third And whereas it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the Grand children of my wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them; more especially by the two whom we have reared from their earliest infancy, namely: Eleanor Parke Custis, and George Washington Parke Custis. And whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased sister Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to provide for them both has been increased; Wherefore, I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis and Eleanor Parke Lewis, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon Estate, not already devised to my Nephew Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, viz: All the land North of the Road leading from the ford of Dogue run to the Gum spring as described in the devise of the other part of the tract, to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the knowl. thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between Mr. Mason & me) thence with that line westerly, along the new double ditch to Dogue run, by the tumbling dam of my Mill; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned; to which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue run, and Dogue Crk. bounded Easterly and Southerly thereby; together with the Mill, Distillery & all other houses and improvements on the premises, making together about two thousand Acres, be it more or less.

    Fourth Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Washington Parke Custis, the Grandson of my wife, and my Ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on four mile run in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire Square, number twenty one, in the City of Washington.

    Fifth All the rest and residue of my Estate, real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid. In whatsoever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found, a schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed: I desire may be sold by my Executors at such times, in such manner, and in such credits (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the specific property cannot be made without), as, in their judgment shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties concerned; and the monies arising therefrom to be divided into twenty three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz:

    To William Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton and the heirs of Ann Ashton; son, and daughters of my deceased brother Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four parts; that is, one part to each of them.

    To Fielding Lewis, George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis and Betty Carter, sons and daughter of my deceased Sister Betty Lewis, I give and bequeath, five other parts, one to each of them.

    To George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence Augustine Washington, Harriot Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, sons and daughter of my deceased brother Samuel Washington, I give and bequeath other four parts, one part to each of them.

    To Corbin Washington, and the heirs of Jane Washington, son and daughter of my deceased Brother John Augustine Washington I give and bequeath two parts; one part to each of them.

    To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my brother Charles Washington, I give and bequeath three parts: one part to each of them. And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Augustine Washington and Maria Washington, sons and daughter of my deceased nephew, Geo: Augustine Washington, I give one other part; that is, to each a third of that part.

    To Elizabeth Parke Law, Martha Parke Peter, and Eleanor Parke Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts, that is, a part to each of them.

    And to my Nephews Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis, and to my ward, the Grandson of my wife, I give and bequeath one other part:--that is, a third thereof to each of them. And if it should so happen, that any of these persons whose names are here enumerated (unknown to me) should now be deceased, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of such deceased persons shall, notwithstanding, derive all the benefit of the bequest; in the same manner as if he, or she, was actually living at the time.

    And by way of advice, I recommend it to my Executors not to be precipitate in disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold) if from temporary causes the Sale thereof should be dull; experience having fully evinced, that the price of land (especially above the Falls of the Rivers and on the Western Waters) have been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the Legatees (under this clause of my Will) as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my Stock in the Potomac Company in preference to the amount of what it might sell for: being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the money can be applied will be so productive as the Tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation (and this from the nature of things it must be 'ere long) & more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto.

    The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one of Brick, and upon a larger Scale, may be built, at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Inclosure, on the ground which is marked out. In which my remains, with those of my deceased relatives (now in the old Vault) and such others of my family as may chuse to be entombed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire that my Corpse may be Interred in a private manner, without parade, or funeral Oration.

    Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, My Nephews William Augustine Washington, Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington & Lawrence Lewis, and my ward George Washington Parke Custis, (when he shall have arrived at the age twenty years) Executrix and Executors of this Will and testament, In the construction of which it will readily be perceived that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any Agency in the draught; and that, although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest and to through it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude & incorrect. But having endeavored to be plain, and explicit in all the Devises, even at the expence of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope, and trust, that no disputes will arise concerning them; but if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from the want of legal expression, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the Devises to be consonant with law, My Will and direction expressly is, that all disputes (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understanding; two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two. Which three men thus chosen, shall, unfettered by Law, or legal constructions, declare their Sense of the Testator's intention; and such decision is, to all intents and purposes to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Court of the United States.

    In witness of all, and of each of the things herein contained I have set my hand and Seal, this ninth day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety and of the Independence of the United States the twenty fourth.

    *Schedule of property comprehended in the foregoing will: which is directed to be sold, and some of it, conditionally is sold; with descriptive and explanatory notes relative thereto.

    LINK

    IN VIRGINIA.

    Loudoun County
    acres. price. dollars.
    Difficult run 300 6,666 (a)
    Loudoun & Fauquier
    Ashbys Bent 2,481 $10 24,810 (b)
    Chattins run 885 8 7,080
    Berkeley
    So. Fork of Bullskin 1,600
    Head of Evan's Mill 453
    On Wormely's line 183
    2,236 20 44,720 (c)
    Frederick
    Bought from Mercer 571 20 11,420 (d)
    Hampshire
    On Potk, river above B. 240 15 3,600 (e)
    Gloucester
    On North River 400 abt 3,600 (f.)
    Nansemond
    Near Suffolk 1/3 of 1119 Acres 373 8 2,984 (g.)
    Great Dismal Swamp
    My dividend thereof abt 20,000 (h)
    Ohio River
    Round Bottom 587
    Little Kenhawa 2,314
    16 miles lowr down 2448
    Opposite Big Bent 4395
    9744 10 97.440 (i)
    Great Kenhawa
    Near the Mouth West 10990
    East side above 7276
    Mouth of Cole River 2000
    Opposite thereto 125
    Burning Spring 23341 200.000 (k)

    Maryland
    Charles County 600 6 3.600 (l)
    Montgomery Do 519 12 6.288 (m)

    Pennsylvania
    Great Meadows 234 6 1.404 (n)

    New York
    Mohawk abt. 1000 6 6.000 (o)

    North Westn. Territy
    On little Miami 839
    Ditto 977
    Ditto 1235
    3051 5 15.251 (p)

    Kentucky
    Rough Creek 3000
    Ditto adjoing 2000
    5000 2 10.000 (q)

    Lots--viz.
    City of Washington.
    Two, near the Capital, Sqr 634 Cost 963;
    and with Buildgs 1500 (r)
    No. 5, 12, 13 & 14: the 3 last,
    Water lots on the Eastern Branch, in Sqr. 667,
    containing together 34,438 sqr. feet at 12 Cts 4,132 (s)

    Alexandria
    Corner of Pitt & Prince Stts. half an Acre;
    laid out into buildings,
    3 or 4 of wch are let on grd. Rent at $3 pr. foot. 4.000 (t)

    Winchester
    A lot in the town of half an Acre, &
    another in the Commons of about 6 Acres, supposed. 400 (u)

    Bath--or Warm Springs
    Two well situated, & had buildings to the amt of £150. 800 (w)

    STOCK

    United States 6 pr Cts. 3746
    Do deferred 1873 2500 6.246 (x)
    3 pr Cts. 2946
    Potomack Company
    24 Shares, cost ea. £100 Sterg 20,666 (y)
    James River Company
    5 shares, each cost $100. 500 (z)
    Bank of Columbia
    170 shares, $40 each. 6.800 j
    Bank of Alexandria,
    besides 20 to the Free School 5 1.000

    Stock, living, viz:
    1 Covering horse, 5 Coh. horses; 4 riding do;
    Six brood Mares; 20 working horses & mares;
    2 Covering Jacks, & three young ones;
    10 she Asses, 42 working mules; 15 younger ones 329 head of horned cattle, 640 head of sheep, &
    a large Stock of Hogs,
    the precise number unknown. 15.653
    Agregate amt. $530.000

    The value of livestock depends more upon
    the quality than quantity of the
    differeint species of it, and this agian upon
    the demand, and judgment or fancy of purchasers.

    Mount Vernon

    9th: July 1799.

    LINK

    NOTES (a) This tract for the size of it is valuable, more for its situation than the quality of its soil, though that is good for Farming; with a considerable portion of grd. that might, very easily, be improved into Meadow. It lyes on the great road from the City of Washington, Alexandria & Georgetown to Leesburgh & Winchester; at Difficult bridge, nineteen miles from Alexandria, less from the city and George Town, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of Potomac.

    There is a valuable seat on the Premises, and the whole is conditionally sold, for the sum annexed in the Schedule.

    (b) What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts are, I know not; but compared with those above the ridge, and others below them, the value annexed will appear moderate, a less one would not obtain them from me.

    (c) The surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation or properties of any sort, sell currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an Acre. The lowest price is affixed to these.

    (d) The observations made in the last note applies equally to this tract; being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, altho' it lyes in another County.

    (e) This tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It lyes on Potomac River about 12 miles above the Town of Bath (or Warm Springs) and is in the shape of a horse Shoe; the river running almost around it. Two hundred Acres of it is rich low grounds; with a great abundance of the largest and finest Walnut trees; which, with the produce of the Soil, might, (by means of the improved navigation of the Potomac) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a smaller expence, than that which is transported 30 miles only by land.

    (f) This tract is of second rate Gloucester low grounds. It has no improvements thereon, but lyes on navigable water, abounding in Fish and Oysters. It was received in payment of a debt (carrying interest) and valued in the year 1789 by an impartial Gentleman at £800. N B. It has lately been sold, and there is due thereon, a balance equal to what is annexed the Schedule.

    (g) These 373 acres are the third part of undivided purchases made by the deceased Fielding Lewis Thomas Walker and myself; on full conviction that they would become valuable. The land lyes on the road from Suffolk to Norfolk; touches (if I am not mistaken) some part of the Navigable water of Nansemond River; borders on, and comprehends part of the Rich Dismal Swamp; is capable of great improvement; and from its situation must become extremely valuable.

    (h) This an undivided Interest wch. I held in the Great Dismal Swamp Company; containing about 4000 acres, with my part of the Plantation & Stock thereon belonging to the company in the sd Swamp.

    (i) These several tracts of land are of the first quality on the Ohio River, in the parts where they are situated; being almost if not altogether River bottoms.

    The smallest of these tracts is actually sold at ten dollars an acre but the consideration therefor not received; the rest are equally valuable and will sell as high, especially that which lyes just below the little Kenhawa and is opposite to a thick settlement on the West side the Rivr.

    The four tracts have an aggregate breadth upon the River of Sixteen miles and is bounded thereby that distance.

    (j) These are the nominal prices of the Shares of the Banks of Alexandria and Columbia, the selling prices vary according to circumstances. But as the Stock usually divide from eight to ten per cent per annum, they must be worth the former, at least, so long as the Banks are conceived to be Secure, though from circumstances may, sometimes be below it.

    (k) These tracts are situated on the Great Kenhawa River, and the first four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. It is acknowledged by all who have seen them (and of the tract containing 10990 acres which I have been on myself, I can assert) that there is no richer, or more valuable land in all that Region; They are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the Schedule; that is $200,000 & if the terms of that sale are not complied with they will command considerably more. The tract of which the 125 acres is a moiety, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself for, & on account of a bituminous Spring which it contains, of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is as nearly difficult to extinguish.

    (l) I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once been on it. It was received (many years since) in discharge of a debt due to me from Daniel Jenifer Adams at the value annexed thereto & must be worth more. It is very level, lyes near the River Potomac

    (m) This tract lyes about 30 miles above the City of Washington, not far from Kittoctan. It is good farming Land, and by those who are well acquainted with it I am informed that it would sell at twelve or $15 pr. acre.

    (n) This land is valuable on account of its local situation & other properties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's road from Fort Cumberland to Pittsburgh, and besides a fertile soil, possesses a large quantity of natural Meadow, fit for the scythe. It is distinguished by the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action with the French in the year 1754 was fought.

    (o) This is the moiety of about 2000 Acs. which remains unsold of 6071 Acres on the Mohawk River (Montgomery Cty) in a Patent granted to Daniel Coxe in the Township of Coxeborough & Carolana, as will appear by Deed from Marinus Willett & wife to Geo. Clinton (late Governor of New York) and myself. The latter sales have been at Six dollars an acr; and what remains unsold will fetch that or more

    (p) The quality of these lands and their Situation, may be known by the Surveyors Certificates, which are filed along with the Patents. They lye in the vicinity of Cincinnati; one tract near the mouth of the little Miami, another seven and the third ten miles up the same. I have been informed that they will readily command more than they are estimated at.

    (q) For the description of these tracts in detail, see General Spotswoods letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Beside the General good quality of the Land, there is a valuable Bank of Iron Ore thereon: which, when the settlement becomes more populous (and settlers are moving that way very fast) will be found very valuable; as the rough Creek, a branch of Green River affords ample water for Furnaces and forges.

    Lots, viz.:

    CITY OF WASHINGTON

    (r) The two lots near the Capital, in square 634, cost me $963 only; but in this price I was favoured, on condition that I should build two Brick houses three Story high each: without this reduction the selling prices of those Lots would have cost me about $1350. These lots, with the buildings thereon, when completed will stand me in $15000 at least.

    (s) Lots No. 5, 12, 13 & 14, on the Eastern branch, are advantageously situated on the water, & although many lots much less convenient have sold a great deal higher I will rate these at 12 Cts. the square foot only.

    ALEXANDRIA.

    (t) For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused $3500. It has since been laid off into proper sized lots for building on; three or 4 of which are let on ground Rent, forever, at three dollars a foot on the Street. and this price is asked for both fronts on Pitt & Princes Street.

    WINCHESTER.

    (u) As neither the lot in the Town or Common have any improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price, but as both are well situated, it is presumed the price annexed to them in the Schedule is a reasonable value.

    BATH.

    (w) The lots in Bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recollection, between fifty and sixty pounds 20 years ago; and the buildings thereon £150 more. Whether property there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the houses are, I am ignorant. but suppose they are not valued too high.

    (x) These are the sums which are actually funded. And though no more in the aggregate than $7,566; stand me in at least ten thousand pounds Virginia money. being the amount of bonded and other debts due to me, and discharged during the War when money had depreciated in that ratio, and was so settled by public authority.

    (y) The value annexed to these shares is what they actually cost me and is the price affixed by Law: & although the present settling price is under par, my advice to the Legatees (for whose benefit they are intended, especially those who can afford to lye out of the money) is that each should take and hold one; there being a moral certainty of a great & increasing profit arising from them in the course of a few years.

    (z) It is supposed that the Shares in the James River Company must also be productive. But of this I can give no decided opinion for want of more accurate information

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 5:35:31 AM PST · 2,249 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    Why do you keep yacking about Clay?

    Because that was what was in my post to which you responded. I will be glad to refresh your memory regarding my earlier posts, and the issue at hand, as many times as you attempt to avoid it and change the subject.

    Lincoln's speech was praising Henry Clay. See my #2110 to fortheDeclaration to remind you that it specifically named and referred to Abraham Lincoln, Henry Clay and Thomas Jefferson. The Henry Clay being praised by Abraham Lincoln did not free his slaves. Neither did Jefferson. They objected to slavery "in principle" but never freed their slaves. States which passed laws banning slavery did not free their slaves either. They declared the children of slaves would be free at a certain age or at some date certain. The slaves were not freed -- the owners were given economic impetus to sell their slaves South where they could obtain full value. The Northern slaves were not freed -- the North was ethnically cleansed of its undesired Black presence. When the WBTS broke out there were more free Blacks in the South than in the North. The North did not free slaves, they moved them South and then passed laws and/or amendments to their state constitutions to keep Blacks out.

    Now, to return to Lincoln, Henry Clay, and Thomas Jefferson and my #2110.

    [fortheDeclaration] Must be nice to continue to live a world of self-delusion

    As in a world where folks such as Henry Clay are praised to the heavens for mouthing that they are against slavery "on principle." In practice, he and his ilk kept as many slaves as possible and never let them go. What was important, per Lincoln and his apologists, is that his mentor said he opposed slavery "on principle."

    LINK

    Source: Alexander Stephens, Cornerstone Speech, Savannah; Georgia, March 21, 1861

    The Cornerstone Speech was delivered extemporaneously by Vice President Alexander H. Stephens, and no official printed version exists. The text below was taken from a newspaper article in the Savannah Republican, as reprinted in Henry Cleveland, Alexander H. Stephens, in Public and Private: With Letters and Speeches, before, during, and since the War, Philadelphia, 1886, pp. 717-729.

    [Extract]

    But not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one other -- though last, not least. The new constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution -- African slavery as it exists amongst us -- the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly urged against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the government built upon it fell when the "storm came and the wind blew."

    SOURCE: Lerone Bennett, Jr., Forced Into Glory, 215-17.

    The first address, a eulogy delivered in the Hall of Representatives in springfield, Illinois, on Tuesday, July 6, 1852, in honor of his mentor, Henry Clay, brought together the two dominant themes of his life, the grandeur of "the white man's" Declaration of Independence and the need to defent it and keep it White and pure by banishing all Blacks -- be deportation, colonization, emigration -- from what he considered a White Eden.

    Lincoln inherited both ideas from Clay and Thomas Jefferson, both of whom said the words all men et cetera with great eloquence and kept their slaves and never stopped apologizing and asking others to repent before it was too late by sending their slaves -- not the capital derived from thesalves -- "back" to Africa. Lincoln was especially indebted to Clay who, he said, taught him all he knew about slavery. I think the word all is too strong, but that's the word Lincoln used, and he was in a position to know what he was talking about. Did he not tell a crowd of White people at Carlinville, "I can express all my views on the slavery question by quotations from Henry Clay. Doesn't this look like we are akin?" (CW 3:79)

    --------

    How could a slaveholder lead a movement in favor of the idea that all men are created equal?

    Lincoln anticipated that question, saying that although Clay owned slaves he "ever was, on principle and in feeling, opposed to slavery" (CW 2:130). The key words here are on principle and in feeling. Everybody knew that Clay was one of the biggest slaveowners in Kentucky and the major architect of the series of compromises that had saved slavery in American, perhaps forever. Lincoln's fellow Illinoisan, H. Ford Douglass, said that Clay "did as much to perpetuate Negro slavery in this country as any other man who has ever lived" (Zilversmit 65). That elementary fact, known to everybody and most especially to Clay's slaves, who slaved and bled and died not in principle but in fact, was unimportant in the Lincoln ledger. What was important, Lincoln said, was that Clay was opposed to slavery "on principle."

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 5:33:22 AM PST · 2,248 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    [nc] Actions speak louder than words -- just like a stain on a blue dress.

    [ftD] Oh, did Clinton preach against adultery, I don't remember that sermon.

    Jefferson advertised to have runaway slaves hunted down for the reward he offered in his advertisement.

    Clinton, in his best imitation of a lying Lincoln, looked into to camera and told the American people, "I did not have sex with that woman, Ms. Lewinsky." Then, along came that devil of a blue dress.

    Hillary went on to write her new book, "It Takes a Village to Satisfy My Husband."

    PRESIDENT CLINTON'S TESTIMONY

    I did not do it in a car
    I did not do it in a bar
    I did not do it in the dark
    I did not do it in the park
    I did not do it on a date
    I did not ever fornicate

    I did not do it at a dance
    I did not do it in her pants
    I did not get beyond first base
    I did not do it in her face
    I never did it in a bed
    If you think that, you've been misled.

    I did not do it with a groan
    I did not do it on the phone
    I did not cause her dress to stain
    I never boinked Saddam Hussein
    I did not do it with a whip
    I never fondled Linda Tripp
    I never acted really silly
    With volunteers like Kathleen Willey

    There was one time, with Margaret Thatcher
    I chased her 'round, but
    could not catch her.

    No kinky stuff, not on your life
    I wouldn't, even with my wife.

    And Gennifer Flowers' tale of woes
    Was paid for by my right-wing foes
    And Paula Jones and those State Troopers
    Are just a bunch of party poopers

    I did not ask my friends to lie
    I did not hang them out to dry
    I did not do it last November
    But if I did, I don't remember

    I did not do it in the hall
    I could have, but I don't recall.
    I never did it in my study
    I never did it with my dog, Buddy
    I never did it to Sox, the cat
    I might have-once-with Arafat.

    I never did it in a hurry
    I never groped Ms. Betty Currie
    There was no sex at Arlington
    There was no sex on Air Force One
    I might have copped a little feel
    And then endeavored to conceal

    But never did these things so lewd
    At least, not ever in the nude.
    These things to which I have confessed
    They do not count, if we stayed dressed.

    It never happened with cigar
    I never dated Mrs. Starr
    I did not know this little sin
    Would be retold on CNN

    I broke some rules my Mama taught me
    I tried to hide, but now you've caught me.
    But I implore, I do beseech,
    Do not condemn, do not impeach.

    I might have got a little tail,
    But never, never did I inhale.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 5:14:39 AM PST · 2,242 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    [nc] The Washington's were among the wealthiest families in America.

    [ftD] And much of that wealth was tied up in slaves!

    The Washington's were like the modern-day Rockefellers.

    You would have more success attempting to argue that Clinton did not have sex with that woman.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 5:11:33 AM PST · 2,241 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    [font color="blue">[ftD] Stop the word games, Washington left it in his will that they be freed, as long as Martha was not hurt by freeing them.

    Bull----.

    I posted the Last Will and Testament. Read it again.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 5:08:35 AM PST · 2,239 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    That is not the issue now is it?

    I will be glad to refresh your memory regarding my earlier posts, and the issue at hand, as many times as you attempt to avoid it and change the subject.

    Lincoln's speech was praising Henry Clay. See my #2110 to fortheDeclaration to remind you that it specifically named and referred to Abraham Lincoln, Henry Clay and Thomas Jefferson. The Henry Clay being praised by Abraham Lincoln did not free his slaves. Neither did Jefferson. They objected to slavery "in principle" but never freed their slaves. States which passed laws banning slavery did not free their slaves either. They declared the children of slaves would be free at a certain age or at some date certain. The slaves were not freed -- the owners were given economic impetus to sell their slaves South where they could obtain full value. The Northern slaves were not freed -- the North was ethnically cleansed of its undesired Black presence. When the WBTS broke out there were more free Blacks in the South than in the North. The North did not free slaves, they moved them South and then passed laws and/or amendments to their state constitutions to keep Blacks out.

    Now, to return to Lincoln, Henry Clay, and Thomas Jefferson and my #2110.

    [fortheDeclaration] Must be nice to continue to live a world of self-delusion

    As in a world where folks such as Henry Clay are praised to the heavens for mouthing that they are against slavery "on principle." In practice, he and his ilk kept as many slaves as possible and never let them go. What was important, per Lincoln and his apologists, is that his mentor said he opposed slavery "on principle."

    LINK

    Source: Alexander Stephens, Cornerstone Speech, Savannah; Georgia, March 21, 1861

    The Cornerstone Speech was delivered extemporaneously by Vice President Alexander H. Stephens, and no official printed version exists. The text below was taken from a newspaper article in the Savannah Republican, as reprinted in Henry Cleveland, Alexander H. Stephens, in Public and Private: With Letters and Speeches, before, during, and since the War, Philadelphia, 1886, pp. 717-729.

    [Extract]

    But not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one other -- though last, not least. The new constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution -- African slavery as it exists amongst us -- the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly urged against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the government built upon it fell when the "storm came and the wind blew."

    SOURCE: Lerone Bennett, Jr., Forced Into Glory, 215-17.

    The first address, a eulogy delivered in the Hall of Representatives in springfield, Illinois, on Tuesday, July 6, 1852, in honor of his mentor, Henry Clay, brought together the two dominant themes of his life, the grandeur of "the white man's" Declaration of Independence and the need to defent it and keep it White and pure by banishing all Blacks -- be deportation, colonization, emigration -- from what he considered a White Eden.

    Lincoln inherited both ideas from Clay and Thomas Jefferson, both of whom said the words all men et cetera with great eloquence and kept their slaves and never stopped apologizing and asking others to repent before it was too late by sending their slaves -- not the capital derived from thesalves -- "back" to Africa. Lincoln was especially indebted to Clay who, he said, taught him all he knew about slavery. I think the word all is too strong, but that's the word Lincoln used, and he was in a position to know what he was talking about. Did he not tell a crowd of White people at Carlinville, "I can express all my views on the slavery question by quotations from Henry Clay. Doesn't this look like we are akin?" (CW 3:79)

    --------

    How could a slaveholder lead a movement in favor of the idea that all men are created equal?

    Lincoln anticipated that question, saying that although Clay owned slaves he "ever was, on principle and in feeling, opposed to slavery" (CW 2:130). The key words here are on principle and in feeling. Everybody knew that Clay was one of the biggest slaveowners in Kentucky and the major architect of the series of compromises that had saved slavery in American, perhaps forever. Lincoln's fellow Illinoisan, H. Ford Douglass, said that Clay "did as much to perpetuate Negro slavery in this country as any other man who has ever lived" (Zilversmit 65). That elementary fact, known to everybody and most especially to Clay's slaves, who slaved and bled and died not in principle but in fact, was unimportant in the Lincoln ledger. What was important, Lincoln said, was that Clay was opposed to slavery "on principle."

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:47:54 AM PST · 2,234 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    And the fact that Jefferson was inconsistent in what he practiced as opposed to what he believed proves....nothing!

    That fact that he preached one thing, and in practice did the opposite, proves what he conveniently said was not what he believed.

    Actions speak louder than words -- just like a stain on a blue dress.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:41:28 AM PST · 2,232 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    Taney was inconsistent?

    Taney was NOT inconsistent.

    In his private life he freed his slaves, helped to free others, and provided for them afterwards.

    As a Judge, he rendered decisions based on the law that was then in existence, whether he agreed with it or not.

    That is no different from Justice Story of Massachusetts.

    "When Massachusetts neighbors criticized Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story for having upheld the fugitive slave law in Prigg v. Pennsylvania, he [nc - Story] wrote, "You know full well that I have ever been opposed to slavery. But I take my standard of duty as a judge from the Constitition." (Walker Lewis, Without Fear or Favor, p. 355)

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:37:39 AM PST · 2,228 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    The issue is did the Founders want to end slavery or not?

    There is no issue. They did not end slavery, not even in their own homes.

    the issue is the mealy-mouthed double-speak b-s spewed by Abraham Lincoln eulogizing Henry Clay.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:34:08 AM PST · 2,225 of 4,989
    nolu chan to Non-Sequitur

    All who observe your desperate gropes more than I.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:31:45 AM PST · 2,223 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    And the point you are making about Taney is what?

    You asked if anyone had freed their slaves. I provided documentation that the eminent jurist, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney freed his slaves early in his life and provided for them thereafter.

    If you don't like that example, provide your own.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:30:01 AM PST · 2,222 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    Freeing a slave was difficult because of the cost involved, and it was made more difficult as slavery began to be seen as a moral good.

    The Washington's were among the wealthiest families in America.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:28:23 AM PST · 2,221 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    Did Washington free his slaves after his death?

    No. After his death, Washington was dead.

    Martha Washington freed her slaves and his about a year after George Washington died.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:24:51 AM PST · 2,220 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    Jefferson got himself into too much debt so that was why he didn't. [free his slaves]

    What with the cost of advertising for the return of any escaped slave, and paying the reward for same, one can see why he was unable to afford to free his slaves. In principle surely he wanted to free them, but in practice he just had to advertise and pay a reward to hunt them down.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 4:20:20 AM PST · 2,217 of 4,989
    nolu chan to M. Espinola

    PRESIDENTIAL QUOTE FOR THE WEEK

    Roy Prentice Basler published the definitive collection of Lincoln quotes.

    ALL LINKS go to the Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Roy P. Basler. Italics in original.

    =============

    |LINK|

    Speech at Carlinville, Illinois, August 31, 1858

    He [Lincoln] said the question is often asked, why this fuss about niggers?

    =============

    |LINK|

    Speech at Elwood, Kansas

    December 1 [November 30?], 1859

    People often ask, "why make such a fuss about a few niggers?''

    ==========

    |LINK|

    CW 2:396

    Springfield, May 25, 1857.

    There is no longer any difficult question of jurisdiction in the Federal courts; they have jurisdiction in all possible cases, except such as might redound to the benefit of a "nigger'' in some way.

    =====

    |LINK|

    First Debate with Stephen Douglas, Ottawa, Illinois, August 21, 1858

    CW 3:20 When my friend, Judge Douglas, came to Chicago, on the 9th of July, this speech having been delivered on the 16th of June, he made an harangue there, in which he took hold of this speech of mine, showing that he had carefully read it; and while he paid no attention to this matter at all, but complimented me as being a "kind, amiable, and intelligent gentleman,'' notwithstanding I had said this; he goes on and eliminates, or draws out, from my speech this tendency of mine to set the States at war with one another, to make all the institutions uniform, and set the niggers and white people to marrying together.

    CW 3:27 There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets and with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet march into Illinois and force them upon us.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Third Lincoln-Douglas debate. September 15, 1858, Jonesboro, Illinois

    We have seen many a "nigger'' that we thought more of than some white men.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Speech at Springfield, Illinois, June 10, 1856

    He would occasionally launch out and lead his hearers to think that the most ultra abolitionism would follow, when, under the old whig eyes we have mentioned, he would soften his remarks to a supposed palatable texture. In this way, backing and filling, he frittered away anything of argument that he might have presented, convincing his audience, however, that his niggerism has as dark a hue as that of Garrison or Fred Douglass but that his timidity before the peculiar audience he addressed prevented its earnest advocacy with the power and ability he is known to possess. ... To attain power, by whatever means, was the burden of his song, and he pointed to the complexion of the Bloomington ticket as evidence of the desire of the factions to attain it by any process.

    =========

    |LINK|

    August 9, 1856

    Lincoln then took the stand and made a three hours speech. It was prosy and dull in the extreme---all about "freedom,'' "liberty'' and niggers.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Then if Mr. Douglas did not invent this kind of Sovereignty, let us pursue the inquiry and find out what the invention really was. Was it the right of emigrants in Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves and a gang of niggers too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his, because Gen. Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848, in his so-called Nicholson letter, six years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Gen. Cass could have taken out a patent for the idea, if he had chosen to do so, and have prevented his Illinois rival from reaping a particle of benefit from it. Then what was it, I ask again, that this "Little Giant'' invented? It never occurred to Gen. Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of "Popular Sovereignty.'' He had not the impudence to say that the right of people to govern niggers was the right of people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things were not moulded to the brazen degree of calling the right to put a hundred niggers through under the lash in Nebraska, a "sacred right of self-government." And here, I submit to this intelligent audience and the whole world, was Judge Douglas' discovery, and the whole of it. He invented a name for Gen. Cass' old Nicholson letter dogma. He discovered that the right of the white man to breed and flog niggers in Nebraska was POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY!

    Chicago Press and Tribune, September 11, 1858.

    Way to go Abe!! Dropped the N-bomb four times in one paragraph in a public speech.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Speech at Edwardsville, Illinois, September 11, 1858

    Then, if Mr. Douglas did not invent this kind of sovereignty, let us pursue the inquiry and find out what the invention really was. Was it the right of emigrants in Kansas and Nebraska to govern themselves and a gang of niggers too, if they wanted them? Clearly this was no invention of his, because Gen. Cass put forth the same doctrine in 1848, in his so-called Nicholson letter---six whole years before Douglas thought of such a thing. Gen. Cass could have taken out a patent for the idea, if he had chosen to do so, and have prevented his Illinois rival from reaping a particle of benefit from it. Then what was it, I ask again, that this "Little Giant'' invented? It never occurred to Gen. Cass to call his discovery by the odd name of "Popular Sovereignty.'' He had not the impudence to say that the right of people to govern niggers was the right of people to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things were not moulded to the brazen degree of calling the right to put a hundred niggers through under the lash in Nebraska, a "sacred right of self-government." And here, I submit to this intelligent audience and the whole world, was Judge Douglas' discovery, and the whole of it. He invented a name for Gen. Cass' old Nicholson letter dogma. He discovered that the right of the white man to breed and flog niggers in Nebraska was POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY!---[Great applause and laughter.]

    Alton Weekly Courier, September 16, 1858.

    Way to go Abe!! Quite a stump speech you have going there! Different newspaper, four n-bombs.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Seventh and Last Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Alton, Illinois ,October 15, 1858

    We profess to have no taste for running and catching niggers---at least I profess no taste for that job at all. Why then do I yield support to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guarantees that right, can be supported without it.

    =====

    |LINK|

    Editor of the Central Transcript. Springfield,
    Dear Sir: July 3, 1859

    Your fling about men entangled with the "Matteson Robbery" as you express it; and men indicted for stealing niggers and mail-bags, I think is unjust and impolitic. Why manufacture slang to be used against us by our enemies? The world knows who are alluded to by the mention of stealing niggers and mail-bags; and as to the Canal script fraud, the charge of being entangled with it, would be as just, if made against you, as against any other Republican in the State.

    =========

    |LINK|

    Speech at Council Bluffs, Iowa

    August 13, 1859

    He then, with many excuses and a lengthy explanation, as if conscious of the nauseous nature of that Black Republican nostrum, announced his intention to speak about the "eternal Negro," to use his own language, and entered into a lengthy and ingenious analysis of the Nigger question, impressing upon his hearers that it was the only question to be agitated until finally settled.

    ===============

    |LINK|

    Speech at Clinton, Illinois, October 14, 1859

    He then spoke of the evils and disasters attending the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, by which the barriers protecting freedom and free labor were broken down and the Territories transformed into asylums for slavery and niggers....

    =============

    |LINK|

    Speech at Hartford, Connecticut, March 5, 1860

    [Daily Courant Version]

    They say that between the nigger and the crocodile they go for the nigger. The proportion, therefore, is, that as the crocodile to the nigger so is the nigger to the white man.

    ============

    |LINK|

    Speech at a Republican Banquet, Chicago, Illinois

    December 10, 1856

    Their conduct reminded him of the darky who, when a bear had put its head into the hole and shut out the daylight, cried out, "What was darkening de hole?'' "Ah,'' cried the other darky, who was on to the tail of the animal, "if de tail breaks you'll find out.'' [Laughter and cheers.] Those darkies at Springfield see something darkening the hole, but wait till the tail breaks on the 1st of January, and they will see. [Cheers.] The speaker referred to the anecdote of the boy who was talking to another as to whether Gen. Jackson could ever get to Heaven. Said the boy "He'd get there if he had a mind to.'' [Cheers and laughter.] So was it with Col. Bissell,---he'd do whatever he had a mind to.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 1:33:16 AM PST · 2,207 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    So, since the ratification of the Constitution were there states that banned slavery and were there slaves actually freed by their owners (at great personal cost to themselves?)

    Why, of course. Take Chief Justice Roger B. Taney for example

    "When Massachusetts neighbors criticized Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story for having upheld the fugitive slave law in Prigg v. Pennsylvania, he [nc - Story] wrote, "You know full well that I have ever been opposed to slavery. But I take my standard of duty as a judge from the Constitition." (Walker Lewis, Without Fear or Favor, p. 355)

    Taney had early owned slaves, and in 1805 was assessed on three. With marriage his household expanded and we can gather some idea of its growing size from the fact that in 1818 he emancipated seven Negroes and in 1821 an eighth. He also joined with his brother Octavius in freeing two others they inherited from their father. Although he and Anne retained servants, they kept no slaves other than two who were too old to support themselves. Those that they freed were furnished with wallets which, in case of need, they could present for an allowance, paid in small coins as a protection against swindlers. (Walker Lewis, Without Fear or Favor, pp. 44-5)

    "Taney already had emancipated most of his own slaves, and it is known that he made at least one substantial loan to enable a free Negro to purchase his wife's liberty." (Walker Lewis, Without Fear or Favor, p. 76)

    "In other ways he [nc - Taney] showed his interest in the welfare of colored people. On one occasion he and Frederick A. Schley aided a free negro in the purchase of his slave wife by advancing the price of the slave and permitting him to bind himself to them for that amount. The negro repaid the money, and the family was given its freedom. During the same period Taney manumitted his own slaves, providing that they should become free some years hence, doubtless on the assumption that education for freedm was necessary before they could be trusted to take care of themselves. He continued to support those who were too old to earn their living, and to watch carefully over their interests. To each of the older servants he gave a wallet, which was brought each month to him or to a member of his family for replenishment. Some negroes knew too little of mathematics to be aware when they were short-changed by merchants, and there were merchants who in making change intimidated negroes into accepting less than was due them. As a protection against these abuses Taney gave his monthly allowances in small silver pieces with which the negroes were familiar, none of them exceeding fifty cents in value." (Carl Brent Swisher, Roger B. Taney, p. 94)

    "[I]t would be propagating error to pre­tend that between 1819 and 1832 Taney had grown callous in his feelings toward negroes. Toward them personally he still had the same feeling of warm solicitude which he had revealed many times in the past, as was shown, for example, by his efforts on behalf of a negro boy named Cornelius. Cornelius, the slave of a Major Hughes, had been permitted by his master to earn small sums of money to­ward the purchase of his freedom, and to educate himself above the level of most slaves, so that he was able to write letters. Taney in some way became interested in the boy, and discussed with his friend William M. Beall, of Frederick, the possibility of buying the boy and setting him free as soon as he was able to earn the remaining amount necessary to cover the purchase price. "Major Hughes it seems," Taney wrote to Beall, "is willing to let Cornelius go for $450, and he has but a hundred and fifty of his own. Cornelius is a good boy and I am willing to aid him, and therefore send a check payable to your order." The purchase was made, and Taney not only made the boy a free person in effect from the beginning, but looked after him from that time on almost as if he were a member of the family. Yet, believing as he did that the prob­lems of slavery were so intricate and so peculiarly local as to require local handling, he felt it his duty as Attorney General so to interpret law as to leave the control of the subject in local hands, even though some negroes suffered thereby. Doubtless he would have said, as he did say on other occasions, that even the negroes, on the whole, since they were in the country, were better off under the prevailing system of control than they would have been under a system or lack of sys­tem brought about by outside interference." (Carl Brent Swisher, Roger B. Taney, pp. 158-9)

    "An essential precept (as we think) of the Catholic Church is confession for the remission of sins -- very humiliating to the pride of human nature; but the well-known humility of Mr. Taney made the practice of confession easy to him. Often have I seen him stand at the outer door leading to the confessonal, in a crown of penitents, majority colored, waiting his turn for admission. I proposed to introduce him by another door to my confessional, but he would not accept of any deviation from the established custom." (Father John McElroy, March 2, 1871, quoted in Samuel Tyler, Memoir of Roger Brooke Taney, p. 476) [italics in original]

    "Chief-Justice Taney's religion was the moving principle of his life. It filled him with every Chris­tian grace. Faith, hope and charity led him in the high career which we have been reviewing. The humblest received his kindness, while the great were charmed with his courtesy. The servants of his family could hardly understand his kindness, when they contrasted it with the treatment of their servants by others. In early life he manumitted all the slaves he inherited from his father. The old ones he sup­ported by monthly allowances of money till they died. The allowances were always in small silver pieces -- none exceeding fifty cents -- as more convenient, and not so liable to be taken improperly by those with whom they might deal. Each servant had a separate wallet for their allowance, which was brought monthly to the member of the Chief Justice's family who at­tended to the matter." (Samuel Tyler, Memoir of Roger Brooke Taney, p. 478)

    "In 1860, the distinguished law-writer, Mr. Conway Robinson, asked Chief-Justice Taney for his photo­graph in his judicial gown, to be presented-to two of the Judges of the Queen's Bench in England, whose acquaintance Mr. Robinson had made when in Eng­land. The Chief Justice, accordingly, had a large-size likeness of himself taken for the Judges. And, at the same time, he had two from the same nega­tive put into gilt frames for his old negro servant-woman and his negro man-servant. At the bottom of one likeness was written: 'To Martha Hill, as a mark of my esteem. R. B. Taney. February 14, 1860, Washington.' At the bottom of the other: 'To Madison Franklin, as a mark of my esteem. R. B. Taney. February 14, I860; Wash­ington.'" (Samuel Tyler, Memoir of Roger Brooke Taney, p. 479)

    "We cannot consent to buy his safety by yielding to passion, prejudice, and avarice, the control of future discussions, on this great and important question. He must not surrender up the civil and religious rights, secured to him in common with others, by the constitution of this most favoured nation. Mr. Gruber feels, that it is due to his own character; to the station he fills; to the respectable society of Christians in which he is a minister of the gospel, not only to defend himself from this prosecution, but also to avow, and to vindicate here, the principles he maintained in his sermon. There is no law that forbids us to speak of slavery as we think of it. Any man has a right to publish his opinions on that subject whenever he pleases. It is a subject of national concern, and may at all times be freely discussed. Mr. Gruber did quote the language of our great act of national independence, and insisted on the principles contained in that venerated instrument. He did rebuke those masters, who, in the exercise of power, are deaf to the calls of humanity; and he warned them of the evils they might bring upon themselves. He did speak with abhorrence of those reptiles, who live by trading in human flesh, and enrich themselves by tearing the husband from the wife -- the infant from the bosom of the mother: and this I am instructed was the head and front of his offending. Shall I content myself, continued Mr. Taney, with saying he had a right to say this? that there is no law to punish him? So far is he from being the object of punishment in any form of proceeding, that we are prepared to maintain the same principles, and to use, if necessary, the same language here in the temple of justice, and in the presence of those who are the ministers of the law. A hard necessity, indeed, compels us to endure the evil of slavery for a time. It was imposed upon us by another nation, while we were yet in a state of colonial vassalage. It cannot be easily, or suddenly removed. Yet while it continues, it is a blot on our national character, and every real lover of freedom, confidently hopes that it will be effectually, though it must be gradually, wiped away; and earnestly looks for the means, by which this necessary object may be best attained. And until it shall be accomplished: until the time shall come when we can point without a blush, to the language held in the declaration of independence, every friend of humanity will seek to lighten the galling chain of slavery, and better, to the utmost of his power, the wretched condition of the slave. Such was Mr. Gruber's object in that part of his sermon, of which I am now speaking. Those who have complained of him, and reproached him, will not find it easy to answer him: unless complaints, reproaches and persecution shall be considered an answer." (Roger B. Taney, Gruber case, 1819)

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 1:25:08 AM PST · 2,206 of 4,989
    nolu chan to M. Espinola
    SOURCE: Lerone Bennett, Jr., Forced Into Glory, Copr 1999, 6th printing 2002, pp. 184-8. (footnotes deleted)

    The man Lincoln called his special friend, Ward Hill Lamon, had no particular sympathy for Blacks, but even he decried the laws of the state, saying that the Illinois Black Code was "of the most prepos­terous and cruel severity, -- a code that would have been a disgrace to a Slave state, and was simply an infamy in a free one. It borrowed the provisions of the most revolting laws known among men, for exiling, selling, beating, bedeviling, and torturing Negroes, whether bond or free."

    The "revolting" Illinois Black Laws didn't seem to bother Lamon while he was living there. Nor did they bother Lincoln, who never said a word against the Black Laws, although they were enforced in Illinois every year he lived there and were not repealed until 1865.

    Under provisions of this code, one of the severest in a Northern state, Illinois Blacks had no legal rights White people were bound to respect. It was a crime for them to settle in Illinois unless they could prove their freedom and post a $1,000 bond. John Jones, the most prominent Black in Illinois in Lincoln's day, pointed out that these pro­visions were in violation of the Illinois constitution, which declared "that all men are born free and independent and have an indefeasible right to enjoy liberty and pursue their own happiness." It was also, Jones noted, "a gross violation" of the United States Constitution which said "that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States."

    None of this disturbed Lincoln, who lived, without audible dis­tress, with a Black Code, commonly called Black Laws, which said that any Black found without a certificate of freedom was consid­ered a runaway slave and could be apprehended by any White and auctioned off by the sheriff to pay the cost of his confinement.

    If a Black had a certificate of freedom, he and his family were required to meet reporting and registration procedures reminiscent of a totalitarian state. The head of the family had to register all fam­ily members and provide detailed descriptions to the supervisor of the poor, who could expel the whole family at any moment.

    Blacks who met these requirements were under constant surveil­lance and could be disciplined or arrested by any White. They could not vote, sue, or testify in court.

    No Negro was safe.

    No Negro was secure.

    Any Negro without certified freedom papers on his person was legitimate prey of kidnappers who roamed the streets of Lincoln's Springfield and other Illinois cities and towns. By the 1850s, and especially after passage of the Compromise of 1850, which Lincoln supported, kidnapping Negroes, with the aid and support of the state and the White population, had become a profitable business.

    The way it worked, N. Dwight Harris said, was that two or three White men would form a Black-hunting gang. "One would establish himself at St. Louis, or at one of the other border towns, and work up a reputation as a seller of slaves. The others would move about the Illinois counties on the lookout for Negroes -- slave or free. The free­booters never stopped to inquire whether a colored person was free or not. The question simply was, could he be carried off in safety."

    If the kidnappers didn't get him, the state would.

    With Lincoln's active and passive support, the state used violence to keep Blacks poor. Most trades and occupations were closed to them, and laws and customs made it difficult for them to acquire real estate.

    With Lincoln's active and passive support, the state used violence to keep Blacks ignorant. Schools and colleges were for the most part closed to Blacks. A law on the apprenticeship of children said "that the master or mistress to whom such child shall be bound as aforesaid shall cause such child to be taught to read and write and the ground rules of arithmetic... except when such apprentice is a negro or mulatto."

    To make matters worse, the state taxed Blacks to support public schools that were closed by law -- and by the vote of Abraham Lin­coln -- to Black children. The law, which Lincoln supported, speci­fied that the school fund should be distributed on the basis of “the number of white persons under 20 years of age.” This disturbed a number of very conservative Illinois White people. In 1853, a year before Lincoln's Peoria Declaration, the Alton Telegraph praised Ohio for establishing schools for Black children and criticized Illinois for taking money from Blacks to educate White children. No one in the legislature paid any attention to this criticism, and Lincoln, the state's most powerful Whig politician, said nothing.

    During all the years of what some historians call Lincoln's re­hearsal for greatness, indentured servants, “a polite phrase,” Elmer Gertz said, "for the northern brand of slaves," were hemmed in by laws and restrictions similar to the ones in Southern states. They could be whipped for being lazy, disorderly or disrespectful to the "master, or master's family."

    As for the pursuit of happiness, which Lincoln occasionally paid tribute to, Blacks could not play percussion instruments, and any White could apprehend any slave or servant for "riots, routs, unlawful assemblies, trespasses and seditious speeches." It was a crime for any person to permit "any slave or slaves, servant or servants of color, to the number of three or more, to assemble in his, her or their house, out house, yard or shed for the purpose of dancing or revel­ling, either by night or by day…."

    What did Abraham Lincoln say about these violations of government of the people, et cetera, et cetera?

    He said he was in favor of the violations -- that's what he said. Not only did he back the Black Laws, but he voted to keep the suf­frage lily-White and to tax Blacks to support White schools Black children couldn't, in general, attend.

    In 1848 Illinois adopted a new constitution that denied Blacks the right to vote and to serve in the state militia. To make sure everyone got the message, the constitution authorized the state legislature to pass legislation barring slaves and free Negroes from settling in the state. Article XIV of the new constitution read:

    The General Assembly shall at its first session under the amended constitution pass such laws as will effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this state, and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bring­ing them into this state, for the purpose of setting them free.

    In February 1853, one year before Abraham Lincoln praised the "White man's" Declaration of Independence at Peoria, the legisla­ture made it a high crime punishable by a fine for a Black to settle in the state. If a Black violator couldn't pay the fine, he or she could be sold by the sheriff to pay court costs, making some Whites fear that the new law would bring back slavery.

    The architect of this Negro Exclusion Law, which was, Eugene H. Berwanger said, "undoubtedly the most severe anti-Negro measure passed by a free state," was John A. Logan, who introduced the mea­sure "solely to improve his political stature." During debate on the issue, Logan attacked White critics of his bill, which was called "An Act To Prevent the Immigration of Free Negroes into the State." Logan said he could not understand "how it is that men can become so fanatical in their notions as to forget that they are white. Forget that sympathy over the white man and have his bosom heaving with it for those persons of color." Logan looked around the hall and said words that many of his compatriots would say in the 1990s: "It has almost become an offense to be a white man."

    Neither this speech nor his Negro Exclusion Law hurt the reputation of "Black Jack" Logan, who was later named a major general by Abraham Lincoln and who is celebrated today all over Chicago as a Civil War icon.

    Most Illinois Whites supported the provisions of Logan's Negro Exclusion Law, but twenty-two legislators, eleven Whigs and eleven Democrats, voted against it in the lower house. There was also strong opposition in fourteen Northern counties, particularly from Quakers, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and New England immigrants.

    The severity of the Negro Exclusion Law shocked antislavery forces. Frederick Douglass was outraged by the "enormity" of an act that "coolly" proposed to "sell the bodies and souls of the blacks to increase the intelligence and refinement of the whites [and] to rob every black stranger who ventures among them to increase their liter­ary fund." It seemed to Douglass that "the men who enacted that law had not only banished from their minds all sense of justice, but all sense of shame." Another editor who felt that way was Horace Greeley, who said in the New York Tribune that it was "punish­ment enough" for Blacks "to live among such cruel, inhospitable beings" as the White residents of Illinois, not to mention the additional burden of having to live under such a law. The New Orleans Bee said the law was "an act of special and savage ruthlessness." The Jonesboro Gazette in the land of Lincoln asked: "How long will the people of this hitherto Tree State' suffer this shameful enaction to disgrace their statute book?"

    What did Lincoln say?

    He didn't say a mumblin' word.

    Despite his Jim Crow votes and Jim Crow style, Lincoln got up on platforms and said he believed that the Declaration of Indepen­dence gave Blacks the right to some of the rights enumerated in that document, including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. If he believed this -- and the evidence goes the other way -- it was news to Illinois Blacks, who were denied the right to pursue anything in Lincoln's Illinois, except poor-paying jobs that Whites shunned until economic crises lowered the color of their expectations.


  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/08/2005 1:22:47 AM PST · 2,205 of 4,989
    nolu chan to fortheDeclaration
    The issue is did the Founders want to end slavery or not?

    Washington, Jefferson, et al, did not even end slavery in their own homes.

    Had they really wanted to, they would have done so.

    Actions speak louder than b.s.

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/07/2005 11:53:38 PM PST · 2,198 of 4,989
    nolu chan to M. Espinola
    [M. Espinola] "WBTS" If you mean the Civil War then we can speak.

    I meant War Between the States. WBTS.

    I'm going to miss you.

    In the Land o' Lincoln, after the WBTS, Illinois law required Blacks to post a $1,000 bond to enter the state or own property in the state. Assembling for the purpose of dancing or reveling carried a $20 fine.

    Prior to the WTBS, an 1853 Illinois law effectively barred Black people from residing in the state. Lincoln never spoke out against this law.

    Ward Hill Lamon, friend of Lincoln, said the Illinois Black Code was "of the most preposterous and cruel severity, -- a code that would have been a disgrace to a Slave state, and was simply an infamy in a free one. It borrowed the provisions of the most revolting laws known among men, for exiling, selling, beating, bedeviling, and torturing Negroes, whether bond or free."

    The Illinois Black Code said that any Black found without a certificate of freedom was considered a runaway slave and could be apprehended by any White and auctioned off by the sheriff to pay the cost of his confinement.

    There is no record of any Lincoln dissent to any of these Black Codes in his home state.

    Article XIV of the Illinois State Constitution adopted in 1848 stated:

    The General Assembly shall at its first session under the amended constitution pass such laws as will effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this state, and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them into this state, for the purpose of setting them free."

    The architect of "An Act To Prevent the Immigration of Free Negroes into the State" was John A. "Black Jack" Logan. Black Jack Logan was later named a Major General by Abraham Lincoln.

    Lerone Bennett, Jr. documented how various newspapers condemned the Illinois laws. Frederick Douglass expressed his outrage. "What did Lincoln say? He didn't say a mumblin' word."

  • Confederate States Of America (2005)

    02/07/2005 11:46:29 PM PST · 2,197 of 4,989
    nolu chan to Non-Sequitur
    [Minister of Propaganda] Well, no. They headed south to put down the war that the rebellious states started by firing on Sumter. Happy, happy nolu chan, you should know that.

    You mean the war that Abraham Lincoln started? General MEIGS knew. I'm surprised you are still left out of the loop.

    LINK

    U. S. TRANSPORT ATLANTIC,
    [New York,] April 6, 1861 -- 2k p. m.

    Hon. WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State:

    DEAR SIR: By great exertions, within less than six days from the time the subject was broached in the office of the President, a war steamer sails from this port; and the Atlantic, built under contract to be at the service of the United States in case of war, will follow this afternoon with 500 troops, of which one company is sappers and miners, one a mounted battery. The Illinois will follow on Monday with the stores which the Atlantic could not hold.

    While the mere throwing of a few men into Fort Pickens may seem a small operation, the opening of a campaign is a great one.

    Unless this movement is supported by ample supplies and followed up by the Navy it will be a failure. This is the beginning of the war which every statesman and soldier has foreseen since the passage of the South Carolina ordinance of secession. You will find the Army and the Navy clogged at the head with men, excellent patriotic men, men who were soldiers and sailors forty years ago, but who now merely keep active men out of the places in which they could serve the country.

    If you call out volunteers you have no general to command. The general born, not made, is yet to be found who is to govern the great army which is to save the country, if saved it can be. Colonel Keyes has shown intelligence, zeal, activity, and I look for a high future for him.

    England took six months to get a soldier to the Crimea. We were from May to September in getting General Taylor before Monterey. Let us be supported; we go to serve our country, and our country should not neglect us or leave us to be strangled in tape, however red.

    Respectfully,
    M. C. MEIGS.