Posted on 12/14/2023 7:46:28 AM PST by CharlesOConnell
(Table of serial killing crime statistics by Race by Decade between 1900-2020. The second Race column, Black, increases from 23% of serial killings in 1900 to 54% in 2020.)
The Radford/FGCU Annual Report on Serial Killer Statistics: 2023 was finally published!
“The purpose of this annual report is to provide the most accurate statistics possible about serial killers and their victims.”
Key findings:
Source:
“There is nothing more painful to me at this stage in my life than to walk down the street and hear footsteps... then turn around and see somebody white and feel relieved.” ― Jesse Jackson
During the Great Depression (1929…) 82% of African-American families had two parents in the home. (Thomas Sowell recently remarked on the childhood reminiscence of a friend from his place of growing up in NY: The children ate at the table, the father sat at the table with them, eating nothing, because they were too poor.)
It is strongly suspected that the great Foundations, Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie, had a hand in promoting Lyndon Baines Johnson's "Great Society", so that in Mayor John Lindsay's New York, the message became, close down your barber shop or your junk business, go down to the City welfare office, get Free Money…but no fathers, because "we're not in the business of paying women to have children on welfare" (exactly what they WERE in the business of doing).
From Robert Woodson, Sr., Founder and President, The Woodson Center, in the June 24, 1998, Heritage Foundation Fifty Year Anniversary, Roundtable Discussion about the 1968 Kerner Commission Report about Causes of the 1967 Riots which ensued from the Assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.
DIFFERENT CAUSES OF POVERTY REQUIRE DIFFERENT SOLUTIONS By Robert Woodson, Sr.
Like others on this panel, I, too, was a liberal Democrat. Michael Novak recently described a neo-conservative as a progressive with two teenage daughters. I guess having teenagers really alters one's view of the world -- even one's politics and philosophy.
I am a product of the civil rights movement, having led demonstrations in the 1960s. I left the movement -- or, rather, the movement left me -- over three issues. One was forced bussing for integration. I fought against segregation. The opposite of segregation is desegregation with the goal of pluralism, not forced integration. Integration was a matter of choice. I also parted with the movement on the issue of affirmative action when the goal of equal opportunity became a demand for equal results. I fought for an equal opportunity to compete, not a guaranteed percentage of the trophies. When I found that the plight of poor blacks was being sacrificed on the altar of civil rights, that's when I left the movement permanently and began to embrace a much larger agenda to empower those who had been left behind.
On October 25, 1965, a very revealing article by William Raspberry, who then was a reporter for The Washington Post, was published with the headline; "Poor Negroes Are Not Benefiting from the Civil rights Gains." Continued emphasis on political participation and race-specific remedies would not benefit those who were most in need. We needed to focus on strengthening those who had been prepared least to walk through the doors of opportunity.
Martin Luther King constantly challenged conventional wisdom and the consensus of the majority. Dr. King's "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" had a powerful influence on me. He said that the greatest stumbling block to black progress is not the White Citizens Council or the Ku Klux Klan, but the white moderates' acquiescence that lukewarm acceptance from those of good will is more difficult to tolerate than outright hostility of those who harbor ill will. He was talking about patronizing policies. Dr. King asked, "What good does it do to have the right to sleep in a hotel or to live in a neighborhood if you don't have the economic means to exercise that right?" He died assisting people to attain the means to exercise those rights by accumulation of wealth and achieving economic self-sufficiency. It is with this point that my life's goal changed.
I also would like to reflect on some points that I discuss in my recent book, The Triumphs of Joseph. It is interesting that, when the civil rights movement emerged, racial discrimination was affecting all blacks in the same way. At that time, you could talk about the "black community" as a single entity. Once the Civil rights Act was passed, that situation changed. No longer did all blacks suffer equally; those who were equipped to take advantage of opportunities could advance. There was a rich tradition of economic development and self-sufficiency among free blacks even during slavery. It is interesting, however, that the advocates of civil rights had to abandon publications that discussed the strength of black communities in order for them to have civil rights laws applied to them. With these demands, we entered a "grievance period" in which we reported only on our shortcomings and our failings. This had devastating results on attitudes and goals. In addition, the civil rights movement was incubated in the same womb as the poverty movement. Therefore, the moral authority of one was extended to the other. Criticizing poverty programs meant being called a racist. It legitimized a victim mentality and undermined a spirit of self-help and personal responsibility.
As we conducted interviews among many older blacks who were active in the business arena, we found that 68 percent of those blacks who are second-generation college graduates were born into entrepreneurial households. These were the people that had nice houses, small businesses, and barber shops. These entrepreneurs tended to convey the importance of education to their children. Unfortunately, this entrepreneurial legacy was abandoned by black leaders in the 1940s and 1950s. As a consequence, there was a rapid decline in the entrepreneurial activity within the black community. Our history of success was lost, and we took on the role of victims to racism who were trapped in poverty. Personal incentive to escape the situation was dead.
If economic conditions and race were the sole predictors of outcomes in the black community, then why was it possible during the Great Depression that 82 percent of black families had both fathers and mothers raising their children? Current economic conditions are nothing in comparison with those of the Depression, during which time there was negative growth in gross national product with an overall unemployment rate of 25 percent for all Americans. This meant an unemployment rate of about 40 percent for blacks. This was also a time in which blacks had neither political representation nor judicial representation. Worst of all, they were being lynched every day. Despite these odds, they achieved and maintained strong family units. In 1863, when 1,000 blacks were fired from the docks of Baltimore, people did not march on Washington, D.C., demanding jobs, peace, and freedom. Instead, they established the Chesapeake Man Drydock and Railroad Company, which operated successfully for 18 years.
Revisionist history has been communicated to our young people. When I spoke to 200 black MBAs from the finest graduate schools in this country, I learned that not a single one knew anything of the rich entrepreneurial past of black Americans. Consequently, there has been an ascendance of a leadership class within the black community that is grievance-oriented. There are many middle-income blacks who have a proprietary interest in the grievances of the black community. The poverty industry has joined forces with the race-grievance industry, and together they suppress reform that could have the power to uplift those low-income people in the black communities.
In order for us to embrace an agenda that truly empowers people, we must stop this bait-and-switch game in which conditions of the poor are used to justify preferences for all blacks. When the remedies are designed on the basis of race alone, they primarily benefit those in the upper classes. The greatest income gap today is not between the white community and the black community; it is between low-income blacks and upper-income blacks. Sociologist Robert B. Hill conducted a study, "The Strength of African American Families," which reveals that, between 1970 and 1990, the number of black families with incomes between $35,000 and $75,000 grew 200 percent. Black families with incomes exceeding $75,000 increased 300 percent in number. Unfortunately, the number of black families with incomes below the poverty level also expanded 150 percent.
If we are to address the problems that low-income blacks face, we must move beyond race to embrace policies that change the rules of the game. It is not the sex or race of the ruler that determines who wins and who loses in the marketplace; it is the rules of the game. Those who are in the race- and poverty-grievance industries fail to explain or answer some troubling questions. For example, if racism is the primary cause of inequalities, then why are black children failing in systems run by their own people? Why is it that, in 15 separate categories of poverty expenditures, Washington, D.C., leads the country, spending about $9,000 per student in education, yet Washington, D.C., is dead last when it comes to the academic performance of its students? A Harvard study reveals that a black child born in Washington, D.C., today has a life expectancy 15 years lower than a child born just across the river in Virginia. The life expectancy of a black boy born in Washington, D.C., is exceeded by a child born in Haiti, a country with the lowest life expectancy in the Western Hemisphere. This is a time in which blacks are running the school system, the foster care systems, and the failing housing programs. Yet, at the same time, middle- and upper-income blacks living in Washington, D.C., are prospering. The ranks of that group have exploded. We have an unfortunate situation in which there are perverse incentives to maintain classes of people in poverty. Still, we are prevented from addressing this situation because, whenever criticism is valid, an issue is raised to prevent us from engaging in thoughtful debate and discussion.
The National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise focuses on remedies and recognizes that we must move to a different paradigm that goes beyond a Left and a Right. The Left believes that all you have to do is spend more money on affirmative action and poverty programs. We reject that notion. We also reject the strategies of some on the Right, however, that believe that all we must do is cut those programs. I call them cheap Democrats and cheap liberals because they are not offering a different approach. Let us begin to redirect our focus of attention and look for remedies among the people suffering the problems.
In truth, we cannot generalize about the conditions of any race of people, whether they are black, white, or Hispanic. When we were involved in a racially segregated society, we may have been able to generalize, but we cannot do that now. I was on the Jim Lehrer NewsHour one time with Maralee Evers, an architect that made a million dollars a year, and John Jacobs of the Urban League. Lehrer asked me, "What is the state of black America?" I answered, "For those on the panel, life ain't bad. Our income has not gone down in the past 20 years regardless of which white man was in the White House."
Although we must stop generalizing about blacks, we still are able to generalize about poor people with dysfunctional families. Yet, even in the case of poor people, we should make a distinctive difference between those who are poor because they lack opportunity and need only a job and affordable housing and those people who are poor because of their character and the choices they made. For the latter, we must embrace a different kind of intervention.
The "Josephs" of this world are people living in those impoverished neighborhoods who themselves have been broken but continued to embrace a faith in God. It is they who have emerged victorious; they became character tutors and moral counselors to others. As a consequence, they help the people they serve to change their own lives. They become healthy, whole, and "work-ready" people by changing their own values. The crisis we face is primarily a cultural crisis; therefore, we must monetarily and verbally support those Josephs who represent healing agents in these neighborhoods. Once men, women, and young people are called to responsibility, they will be able to take advantage of jobs, education, and housing.
Recently, U.S. News & World Report published a four-page spread of one such grassroots effort that we support in Benning Terrace, a neighborhood in Southeast Washington, D.C., that at one time was overrun with violence and drugs. At one time, it was one of the most dangerous communities in the country. Since the arrival of the grassroots healers, called the Alliance of Concerned Men, who guided warring factions through a peace agreement, there has not been a single death in the neighborhood in which violence had once claimed the life of one young person each month. Ever since the truce was established at Benning Terrace, we have received 14 requests from young people throughout the District of Columbia who want to bring an end to the violence in their neighborhoods. They have begun to ask how people achieve in spite of poverty, and how we can invest in those people to achieve further success. We should look to those who have achieved success in those inner-city environments and study what they did.
I challenge both conservative and liberal scholars, who are able to make their reputations and careers without ever studying a single poor person. That must change. We need to move away from bipolar ideological debates and direct our energies toward low-income healing agents. We should go into these low-income neighborhoods and begin to inquire as to how many people living in these communities are raising children who are not dropping out of school or using drugs and going to jail. We also must ask them how they are able to achieve in that environment.
Any time we say, "60 percent of households are generating teen mothers," that means the other 40 percent are not. I do not see, however, scholars rushing in there to ask, "What is happening with the other 40 percent?" and "What are they doing that works?" We have much to learn from these "Josephs" from which we can begin to construct policies.
Unfortunately, a very cynical view about poor people prevails. The greatest barrier that the poor face is not racism; it is elitism. We assume that poverty makes people not only frustrated and dispirited, but also stupid. Therefore, we refuse to inquire among the Josephs of this world what it is they are doing. It is critical that we seek out strategies that will get beyond the deadlock of today's current debate. The crisis we face as a country is fundamentally spiritual, and its answer lies in supporting the moral centers of influence that exist in our communities.
Today's moral crisis is not just a problem of the inner city. In Fairfax County, Virginia -- one of the most affluent communities in the metropolitan Washington, D.C., area -- affluent teenage children from two-parent households are experiencing the same kind of crisis of spiritual emptiness that we are seeing in the inner city. As a result, drug addiction is up, drug sales continue to rise, theft rings are being organized, and gang violence is rampant, as they are in many suburban communities. At this critical time, our attention should be focused on the moral and spiritual freefall in which we find ourselves and searching for remedies to this ever-apparent crisis. The byproducts of spiritual revitalization will be racial reconciliation. With this in mind, it still is important to realize that racial reconciliation will not yield moral and spiritual rejuvenation.
https://www.heritage.org/poverty-and-inequality/report/the-kerner-commission-report
Asians appear to be picking up steam, but native Americans cannot get their act together enough to put up real numbers.
I’m not an expert on serial killers. But I did teach at inner city high schools for decades. Some of these schools were racially balanced, at least when I was there.
Most of the troublemakers were black. I’m talking about the students who would start fights in the hallways, misbehave in class, etc.
But the true psychos were overwhelmingly white. I’m talking about the students who would plot mayhem ahead of time, then smile and claim innocence when they were caught. They were often very convincing - until the security footage was viewed. Even in the schools that were majority black, the true psychos were overwhelmingly white.
Make of that what you will.
I think they do better in Canada.
At this critical time, our attention should be focused on the moral and spiritual freefall in which we find ourselves and searching for remedies to this ever-apparent crisis. The byproducts of spiritual revitalization will be racial reconciliation. With this in mind, it still is important to realize that racial reconciliation will not yield moral and spiritual rejuvenation.
The market place is the solution. competition. Less govt.
That is what I see Trump doing.
Yeah, I’m not buying this.
Shariah
Sudden jihad
Pc diversity
It’s the liberal race - DNA - gene
Cannibal = communism
Me either
No mother should have to worry that her serial-killer chil’ be incarcerated!
There is a difference between mass shooting events (those listed on gun death websites) and serial killer’s. Most serial killers do so over a period of time (ala Andrew Kunnan 1998?) so they are not considered mass shooting. Also they don’t always use guns to kill.
I would have to see the info that these stats were generated from before I believed that blacks were increasingly become more likely to be serial killers.
Lastly gang killings are not serial killings. Serial killing have a psychological component that defines them.
So you are conflating different concepts.
5 percent of the population commits 60 percent of the crimes. Male Pygmy cannibals, age 12-30.
Maybe. Black serial killers passed under the radar for years because their victims tended to be prostitutes and other marginals that the authorities didn’t care about.
Note:
These statistics only include the “serial killers” that are caught and prosecuted.
Fauci was not included in this study
You misunderstand there are more than one kind/form of psycho.
You have the impulsive ones, the stupid ones that just go right to violence because thats the go-to move for them, and then there are clever and calculating ones.
The Bell Curve explains why you don’t get blacks usually being the clever calculating ones very often.
“ Make of that what you will.”
Ok.
You are one data point out of many.
Statistics are more than what one data point is.
It’s not just serial killing where blacks lead. Nearly every type of violent crime would sound more accurate.
Those are Rookie Numbers!
Bingo. Serial killings vs. body counts.
Saving for later full read.
Two beefs with terminology:
African-Americans - s/b Black Americans. Most have never set foot in Africa or were born there.
Native Americans - s/b American Indians. Every born in the USA is a “native American”.
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