Journal of the Federal Convention September 4th 1787

Committee of Eleven Report. Taxing Power. Common Defense & General Welfare. Commerce Clause. Four Year Presidential Terms. No Term Limits. Vice President. Electoral College. Five Highest.

Mr. BREARLY from the Committee of eleven made a further partial Report as follows,

"The Committee of Eleven to whom sundry resolutions &c were referred on the 31st. of August, report that in their opinion the following additions and alterations should be made to the Report before the Convention, viz

[FN2](1.) The first clause of sect: 1. art. 7. to read as follow-'The Legislature shall have power to lay and collect taxes duties imposts & excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence & general welfare, of the U. S.'

(2). At the end of the 2d. clause of sect. 1. art. 7. add 'and with the Indian Tribes.'

(3) In the place of the 9th. art. Sect. 1. to be inserted 'The Senate of the U. S. shall have power to try all impeachments; but no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.'

(4) After the word 'Excellency' in sect. 1. art. 10. to be inserted. 'He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected in the following manner, viz. Each State shall appoint in such manner as its Legislature may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and members of the House of Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Legislature. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; and they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Genl. Government, directed to the President of the Senate-The President of the Senate shall in that House open all the certificates; and the votes shall be then & there counted. The Person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of that of the electors; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the Senate shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President: but if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the Senate shall choose by ballot the President. And in every case after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes shall be vice- president: but if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them the vice-President. The Legislature may determine the time of choosing and assembling the Electors, and the manner of certifying and transmitting their votes.'

(5) 'Sect. 2. No person except a natural born citizen or a Citizen of the U. S. at the time of the adoption of this Constitution shall be eligible to the office of President; nor shall any person be elected to that office, who shall be under the age of thirty five years, and who has not been in the whole, at least fourteen years a resident within the U. S.'

(6) 'Sect. 3. The vice-president shall be ex officio President of the Senate, except when they sit to try the impeachment of the President, in which case the Chief Justice shall preside, and excepting also when he shall exercise the powers and duties of President, in which case & in case of his absence, the Senate shall chuse a President pro tempore-The vice President when acting as President of the Senate shall not have a vote unless the House be equally divided.'

(7) 'Sect. 4. The President by and with the advice and Consent of the Senate, shall have power to make Treaties; and he shall nominate and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint ambassadors, and other public Ministers, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the U. S., whose appointments are not otherwise herein provided for. But no Treaty shall be made without the consent of two thirds of the members present.'

(8) After the words-"into the service of the U. S." in sect. 2. art: 10. add 'and may require the opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices.'

(9) [FN3] 'He shall be removed from his office on impeachment by the House of Representatives, and conviction by the Senate, for Treason, or bribery, and in case of his removal as aforesaid, death, absence, resignation or inability to discharge the powers or duties of his office, the vice-president shall exercise those powers and duties until another President be chosen, or until the inability of the President be removed.'

The (3) clause was postponed in order to decide previously on the mode of electing the President.

Mr. GORHAM disapproved of making the next highest after the President, the vice-President, without referring the decision to the Senate in case the next highest should have less than a majority of votes. as the regulation stands a very obscure man with very few votes may arrive at that appointment.

Mr. SHERMAN said the object of this clause of the report of the Committee was to get rid of the ineligibility, which was attached to the mode of election by the Legislature, & to render the Executive independent of the Legislature. As the choice of the President was to be made out of the five highest, obscure characters were sufficiently guarded against in that case; and he had no objection to requiring the vice-President to be chosen in like manner, where the choice was not decided by a majority in the first instance.

Mr. MADISON was apprehensive that by requiring both the President & vice President to be chosen out of the five highest candidates, the attention of the electors would be turned too much to making candidates instead of giving their votes in order to a definitive choice. Should this turn be given to the business, the election would, in fact be consigned to the Senate altogether. It would have the effect at the same time, he observed, of giving the nomination of the candidates to the largest States.

Mr. RANDOLPH & Mr. PINKNEY wished for a particular explanation & discussion of the reasons for changing the mode of electing the Executive.

Mr. Govr. MORRIS said he would give the reasons of the Committee and his own. The 1st. was the danger of intrigue & faction if the appointmt. should be made by the Legislature. 2. [FN4] the inconveniency [FN5] of an ineligibility required by that mode in order to lessen its evils. 3. [FN6] The difficulty of establishing a Court of Impeachments, other than the Senate which would not be so proper for the trial nor the other branch for the impeachment of the President, if appointed by the Legislature, 4. [FN7] No body had appeared to be satisfied with an appointment by the Legislature. 5. [FN8] Many were anxious even for an immediate choice by the people. 6. [FN9] the indispensible necessity of making the Executive independent of the Legislature. -As the Electors would vote at the same time throughout the U. S. and at so great a distance from each other, the great evil of cabal was avoided. It would be impossible also to corrupt them. A conclusive reason for making the Senate instead of the Supreme Court the Judge of impeachments, was that the latter was to try the President after the trial of the impeachment.

Col: MASON confessed that the plan of the Committee had removed some capital objections, particularly the danger of cabal and corruption. It was liable however to this strong objection, that nineteen times in twenty the President would be chosen by the Senate, an improper body for the purpose.

Mr. BUTLER thought the mode not free from objections, but much more so than an election by the Legislature, where as in elective monarchies, cabal faction & violence would be sure to prevail.

Mr. PINKNEY stated as objections to the mode 1. [FN10] that it threw the whole appointment in fact into the hands of the Senate. 2. [FN10] The Electors will be strangers to the several candidates and of course unable to decide on their comparative merits. 3. [FN10] It makes the Executive reeligible which will endanger the public liberty. 4. [FN10] It makes the same body of men which will in fact elect the President his Judges in case of an impeachment.

Mr. WILLIAMSON had great doubts whether the advantage of reeligibility would balance the objection to such a dependence of the President on the Senate for his reappointment. He thought at least the Senate ought to be restrained to the two highest on the list.

Mr. Govr. MORRIS said the principal advantage aimed at was that of taking away the opportunity for cabal. The President may be made if thought necessary ineligible on this as well as on any other mode of election. Other inconveniences may be no less redressed on this plan than any other.

Mr. BALDWIN thought the plan not so objectionable when well considered, as at first view. The increasing intercourse among the people of the States, would render important characters less & less unknown; and the Senate would consequently be less & less likely to have the eventual appointment thrown into their hands.

Mr. WILSON. This subject has greatly divided the House, and will also divide [FN11] people out of doors. It is in truth the most difficult of all on which we have had to decide. He had never made up an opinion on it entirely to his own satisfaction. He thought the plan on the whole a valuable improvement on the former. It gets rid of one great evil, that of cabal & corruption; & Continental Characters will multiply as we more & more coalesce, so as to enable the electors in every part of the Union to know & judge of them. It clears the way also for a discussion of the question of reeligibility on its own merits, which the former mode of election seems to forbid. He thought it might be better however to refer the eventual appointment to the Legislature than to the Senate, and to confine it to a smaller number than five of the Candidates. The eventual election by the Legislature wd. not open cabal anew, as it would be restrained to certain designated objects of choice, and as these must have had the previous sanction of a number of the States: and if the election be made as it ought as soon as the votes of the electors are opened & it is known that no one has a majority of the whole, there can be little danger of corruption. Another reason for preferring the Legislature to the Senate in this business, was that the House of Reps. will be so often changed as to be free from the influence & faction to which the permanence of the Senate may subject that branch.

Mr. RANDOLPH preferred the former mode of constituting the Executive, but if the change was to be made, he wished to know why the eventual election was referred to the Senate and not to the Legislature? He saw no necessity for this and many objections to it. He was apprehensive also that the advantage of the eventual appointment would fall into the hands of the States near the Seat of Government.

Mr. Govr. MORRIS said the Senate was preferred because fewer could then, say to the President, you owe your appointment to us. He thought the President would not depend so much on the Senate for his re-appointment as on his general good conduct.

The further consideration of the Report was postponed that each member might take a copy of the remainder of it.

The following motion was referred to the Committee of Eleven-to wit,-"To prepare & report a plan for defraying the expences of the Convention"

[FN12]Mr. PINKNEY moved a clause declaring "that each House should be judge of the privilege [FN14] of its own members. Mr. Govr. MORRIS 2ded. the motion.

Mr. RANDOLPH & Mr. MADISON expressed doubts as to the propriety of giving such a power, & wished for a postponement.

Mr. Govr. MORRIS thought it so plain a case that no postponement could be necessary.

Mr. WILSON thought the power involved, and the express insertion of it needless. It might beget doubts as to the power of other public bodies, as Courts &c. Every Court is the judge of its own privileges.

Mr. MADISON distinguished between the power of Judging of privileges previously & duly established, and the effect of the motion which would give a discretion to each House as to the extent of its own privileges. He suggested that it would be better to make provision for ascertaining by law, the privileges of each House, than to allow each House to decide for itself. He suggested also the necessity of considering what privileges ought to be allowed to the Executive.

FN2 this is an exact copy. The variations in that in the printed Journal are occasioned by its incorporation of subsequent amendments. This remark is applicable to other cases.

FN3 The figure "9" transposed to precede the sentence beginning "The latter" ... in the transcript.

FN9 The figure "6" is changed in the transcript to "And finally, the sixth reason was."

FN10 The figures "1," "2," "3" and "4" are changed in the transcript to "Secondly," etc.

FN13 The words "is not contained" are substituted in the transcript for" not inserted."

Mr. Brearly made another partial report from the Committee of Eleven.

The first clause of Section 1 Article 7 was amended to read, “The Legislature shall have power to lay and collect taxes duties imposts & excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence & general welfare, of the US, and passed without opposition.

“And with the Indian Tribes,” was added to the next clause, so as to read, “To regulate commerce with foreign nations; and among the Several States; and with the Indian Tribes.”

Debate on the third clause was postponed, in order to take up the fourth, which was totally rewritten and expanded. It created four year Presidential terms, the office of Vice President and his duties in the Senate, what we know as the electoral college, based on Congressional representation.

Nathaniel Gorham did not support the second place finisher as Vice President, without referral to the Senate. As it stood, an obscure man with few votes could become Vice.

Roger Sherman said one purpose was allow for multiple, but shorter terms. Another was to make the election (mostly) independent of the Legislature. As for obscure characters, the five highest vote getters will be a sufficient guard against it.

James Madison predicted the nomination of candidates would be directed by the Large States, and the Senate would end up electing Presidents.

Governeur Morris concurred with, and further supported the remarks of Mr. Madison.

Governor Randolph and Charles Pinckney wanted to know why the mode of election was changed. (Unless I missed an amendment, Article X Section 1 provided for Congressional elections of the President before the Committee of Eleven rewrote it.)

Governeur Morris responded for the Committee of Eleven. (I will not elaborate on his reasoning. Even in Mr. Madison’s truncated notes, Mr. Morris gave clear and compelling reasons to get rid of Congressional, and move toward the States for Executive electors. He addressed corruption, and why the Senate should serve as jury for impeachments rather than the Supreme Court.)

George Mason congratulated the Committee for their work. The one real problem was that for most elections, the Senate would end up electing the President.

Pierce Butler thought the new mode better than election by the entire Congress.

Charles Pinckney objected because, as a practical matter the election would end up in the Senate, where few would know the candidates very well. He did not support multiple Presidential terms, nor election by the same body that could judge his guilt.

Hugh Williamson thought the Senate should be restricted to the two highest on the list. Otherwise, the danger of cabal over subsequent terms was great.

Governeur Morris noted the principal advantage of removing the opportunity for cabal. As for the danger in subsequent terms that could be taken care of.

Abraham Baldwin (GA) reasoned the election would actually not end up in the Senate as often as feared.

James Wilson noted the division the question caused in the Convention and surmised what it would cause among the public. He was not sold on any single solution offered so far. It did however, remove any restriction on the facet of multiple terms of office. A better solution may be to include the entire Congress as electors and to a smaller number of candidates.

Governor Edmund Randolph preferred the pre-committee mode of Presidential election. (Election by Congress for a single seven year term) He wondered why the fall back election was to be by the Senate, considering it was closely allied to the States.

Governeur Morris so much as stated that fewer men (in the smaller Senate) would be able to influence the President. (It was not often that Mr. Morris was caught flat footed on the other side of logic. Our Framers, as a group missed nothing.)

Further consideration was postponed, the delegates were given copies of the Report.

(This was the second time a privately printed copy of resolutions were provided to members. Friend and foe alike to the new system kept their oaths to secrecy. These were honorable men.)

The Convention sent to the Committee of Eleven a motion to “report a plan for defraying the expenses of the Convention." (Remember the Convention did not have funds to hire a chaplain, nor did it even consider hiring a court recorder.)

Charles Pinckney and Governeur Morris motioned a clause, "that each House should be judge of the privilege of its own members.” Edmund Randolph and James Madison asked for a postponement on the question.

Mr. Morris did not see any need for postponement, the question was clear.

James Wilson thought it was not necessary.

(I am not at sure what was meant by “privilege,” in this case.)

James Madison cleared things up. Congress already had the power to judge the elections, returns and qualifications of members, and free speech was guaranteed on the floor. It could expel members and discipline them for disorderly behavior. Any additional liberties should be determined by law. Executive privileges should also be determined.

Adjourned.

Constitutional Convention Ping!

Today the electoral college system was introduced. How the heck did the Committee of Eleven come up with this convoluted method to elect a President? It was almost by process of elimination. The convention had previously considered and rejected Executive appointment/election by Congress, State Governors and the people. Corruption and backroom deal making were feared in the first two methods. Also, the concept of separation of powers was fast developing and a President could hardly be independent if he was beholding to Congress for his job. As for the third, there was no telling the sort of character the people would install. No, our Framers would limit direct democracy to the House of Reps. Yet in the forefront of their minds they had to come up with a system that could pass inspection and be ratified by State conventions of the people. What better way to help placate the people’s fears than to assign to their States the task of electing the President?

The decision then on how to elect Presidential electors was up to State legislatures. More democratic leaning New England States could introduce popular elector elections if they wished, while aristocratic Southern States could and did have their legislatures determine who would elect the President.

Oh, and the simple commerce clause passed today without discussion.

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