Posted on 03/08/2006 9:53:07 AM PST by lizol
Slovak Backland of Polish Attack on Putin's Positions
Simon Araloff, AIA European section
Since the Soviet times, Moscow has seen Slovakia as the most important strategic link of its energy infrastructure in Central Europe. After Ukraine, this country is the second largest transistor of Russian oil to the EU states. On the other hand, since the early 1990s, Bratislava has been Warsaw's most consistent strategic partner in the region. Now the Polish government relies on the Slovaks' support in realization of their own plan on diversification of European energy supplies. As it was previously reported, this initiative aims at ending the dependence on Russian oil and gas supplies…
"The Weak Link" of Central Europe
After the formation of an independent Slovakia in 1993, Poland, along with other countries of the region, considered it a possible core of regional instability. By the way, for this reason the USA objected to the split of
Czechoslovakia into two independent states, as both the internal political stage, and the foreign policy orientation of an independent Slovakia were unclear. The split of Czechoslovakia changed the geopolitical situation in Central Europe: Prague, as it seemed, was more focused on Germany, whereas Bratislava gravitated to Eastern Europe, including Russia. Though Vladimir Meciar's government declared its desire to integrate the country into the Euro-Atlantic structures, the weak economic situation in the country and methods of its correction testified to the opposite. Besides, Meñiar, who occupied frankly nationalist positions, clashed with neighboring Czechia, and behaved as a dictator inside the country in every possible way, infringing upon the rights of national minorities, especially the local gypsies. All this, certainly, did not promote the process of integration of Slovakia into the European Union and NATO. The following fact also testifies to the criminal character of his regime: in December 2002 the Slovak police detained the former head of the National security service of the country (SIS), Ivan Lexa. The former chief of the SIS was accused of participation in the abduction of the son of the President of Slovakia, Michal Kovac, in 1995, and also in the instigation of the murder of one of the main witnesses in this case. By the way, Meñiar, being interrogated about his connection to the abduction of the Kovac-junior during detention in April 2000, refused to testify, and was fined 10,000 Slovak crones ($225). The geopolitical situation which appeared with the formation of an independent Slovakia was aggravated also by the extreme dependence of its economy upon deliveries of Russian power resources - both for its own needs, and as transit to other countries of Europe. Even today Slovakia is the only "Visegrad Group" country where the import of oil and gas is completely (about 90 %) of Russian origin. Besides, Slovakia takes second place after Ukraine in the volume of Russian oil transferred through its territory to Europe. It is over Slovak territory that the oil stream "Druzhba" (constructed in 1964), consisting of 5 pipes and branches goes further through Czechia to Germany and France, and through Austria - to Italy. The Slovak section of "Druzhba" is operated by the local "Transpetrol" Company, 49 % of shares of which belong to the Russian Yukos Company. Besides, on the territory of Southern Slovakia an oil pipeline "Adria" passes, which was constructed in the eighties for delivery of Middle-Eastern and North African oil from the Adriatic coast of Yugoslavia. There, near the town of Sahy, it joins the oil pipeline "Druzhba". Deliveries through "Adria" stopped at the beginning of the nineties as the military conflict in Yugoslavia erupted, but the Slovak part of the oil pipeline has not suffered, and that enabled an option to use it in the future. It happened in April 2002, when the governments of Russia, Ukraine and Croatia agreed upon transferring Russian oil to Croatia. Of course, the Russian leadership - both in the first half of the nineties and later, considered Slovakia as a major strategic link in its power infrastructure and was not going to concede it to the European Union and NATO without a fight.
At the Beginning of the Way
As opposed to the other "Visegrad Group" countries, throughout the centuries-old history of mutual relations, Warsaw and Bratislava had no serious conflicts. Probably for this reason even in the first half of the nineties, during Vladimir Meciar's rule, for Poland and Slovakia it was easy enough to adjust mutual relations, which were not blackened by mutual claims. The first Polish-Slovak official summit took place exactly a year after the delimitation of Czechia and Slovakia, on January 25-27, 1994. The already mentioned President of Slovakia, Kovac, visited Warsaw where he declared the interest of his country in developing strategic relations with Poland; in particular - at the level of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense. "The Slovak republic considers its friendship with Poland as one of the major supports of its international position”, Kovac declared to his Polish colleague, Walesa. And though no real arrangements were achieved during the summit, it became a starting point for further development of bilateral cooperation. The pro-Polish orientation of Bratislava was not influenced even by changes in the Slovak government. Just two months after Kovac's visit to Warsaw, in March 1994, Vladimir Meciar's government fell as a result of a parliamentary crisis. The new cabinet under the direction of former oppositionist, Jozef Moravcik, relied on the development of close relations with Warsaw. Already on April 10, 1994 the new head of the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Eduard Kukan, visited the Polish capital. His Polish colleague, Andrzej Olechowski, declared his desire to assist his Slovak colleagues in the realization of their aspirations of integration into the EU and NATO. However, Moravchik's government ruled only for half a year. The September-October elections of 1994 brought the nationalist Vladimir Meciar to the Premier's post. The leaders of the neighboring Czech Republic and Hungary in a pointed manner avoided dialogue with him. Nevertheless, the atmosphere in relations with the Poles still remained positive. In 1996 Aleksander Kwasniewski, soon after being elected to his first presidential term, visited Bratislava, having thus shown the readiness of his country to support close mutual relations with Meñiar's regime. At the same time, to show the whole picture it is necessary to note that up to Meñiar's leaving the post of Prime-Minister in 1998, in its regional policy, Poland mainly concentrated on Lithuania, lobbying for the integration of its neighbor into NATO and the EU, and Slovakia, by virtue of the problematic character of its ruling regime, actually faded into the background.
Securing Poland's Southern Rear
Actually, up to this day warm relations between Warsaw and Bratislava have had no significant disputatious situations. Besides a favorable historical background, this was promoted also by the current geopolitical interests of both sides. For Poland, supporting Slovakia meant at the beginning of the nineties and means today securing its own southern border, which brought in the past various unpleasant "surprises", such as the German invasion in 1939. Being involved in strategic confrontation with Russia, Poland wishes stability for its southern rear area. It initially aspired to avoid development of a situation in Slovakia similar to the Belarus scenario, when a weak regime with dictatorial propensities, being isolated from world around it, gets into the tenacious embraces of Moscow. Slovakia also is important for Poland from a geographical point of view as it is the only state of the "Visegrad Four", adjoining its other three members. In its turn, Slovakia under Meciar (and that is a radical difference from Belarus), aspired to keep a certain level of relations with Europe, which would allow the avoidance of serious political and economic sanctions against Bratislava. Meciar's government used the geopolitical interests of Poland in supporting Slovakia, no less than the circumstance that Warsaw maintained close relations with the USA, and also with Britain, Germany and France. However, in 1998 the dependence of Slovakia on Poland was used by the West against Meciar himself, and Poland, being in the presidency of the OSCE, actively promoted the carrying out of democratic transformations in Slovakia, putting pressure on the local leadership to force it to allow OSCE observers at the elections to the National Council. Though the elections, which took place in September of the same year, have brought a formal victory for Meciar's party (LS-HZDS), which gained 27 % of the vote, he could not generate a government. As a consequence, Meciar had to leave the Slovak political Olympus. The new cabinet was created by the leader of the opposition, Mikulas Dzurinda. Since this moment the active return of Slovakia to the process of regional cooperation started.
The Slovak Way to Europe
The new Slovak government of Dzurinda successfully used Poland's membership in
NATO, and also the uniting of Poland, Germany and France, the so-called Weimar Triangle, in the promotion of its own interests in relations with the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. Besides, Slovakia had a unique opportunity to study the Polish experience in negotiating with NATO and the EU. It studied how the Poles reformed the armed forces and military industry, participated in multinational peace-making forces, and involved opposition political forces in the formation and implementation of the basic principles of foreign policy. However, all of the above mentioned items on the positive character of Polish-Slovak relations do not mean that there were no problems in this dialogue between these countries. Even after the formation of Dzurinda's government, he and a number of the members of his cabinet openly expressed fears concerning the frank aspiration of Poland to attain the status of the regional leader. However, at that time Prague and Budapest also adhered to a similar position. And, finally, it appeared to be a passing phenomenon in the general system of mutual relations of the "Visegrad Group" countries, including Slovakia and Poland. Today it is already abundantly clear that the Slovaks only gained from their strategic mutual relations with the Poles. Despite the still problematic condition of the economy and public sector, in March - May, 2004 they joined NATO and the EU. And it happened, in many respects, due to the efforts of their Polish partners. For Slovakia cooperation with Poland was the shortest way to reach economic cooperation with Western Europe. Besides, it was an opportunity to be released from practically total dependence on Russian power resources. This problem for the first time was discussed during a meeting of "Visegrad Group" Prime Ministers on May 15, 1999 in Bratislava, where Poland officially declared its intention to grant power security to Central Europe by means of attracting the Norwegian suppliers of gas. First of all, the power reorientation of Slovakia, "fastened" to Russia, was discussed. Today, as it is known, the question of the power security of the region has again been raised by the Polish Prime Minister, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz. And again Warsaw acts as a defender of the interests of Bratislava. The Polish economic and diplomatic circles do not exclude the opportunity of formation in the near future of a united Polish-Slovak-Ukrainian power policy. It is rather indicative that on November 14, 2005 Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski, at the end of his term visited Bratislava, where he was met by his Slovak colleague, Ivan Gasparovic, and also by Prime Minister Mikulas Dzurinda. Speaking with journalists, the Polish visitor declared the following: "During the last ten years I tried to support Slovakia in its aspirations, trusting that its introduction into NATO and the EU would serve the interests not only of Slovakia, but also the interests of Poland and of Europe. I am pleased with the fact that I managed to achieve this goal". Kwasniewski also expressed hope that his successor to the presidential post - Lech Kaczynski, will continue a policy, which turned traditional, of expansion of bilateral cooperation between Warsaw and Bratislava.
Thanks for the ping.
Great article.
Plus - Slovak women are babes!
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