Perry pitching a tough game
Governor's style breaks from predecessors' bipartisanship
09:30 PM CDT on Saturday, September 13, 2003
AUSTIN – After almost three years, Texans finally know Rick Perry's game: He plays hardball.
The Republican governor has changed the political chemistry of Austin in ways that analysts say are designed to bolster his standing among the party faithful and to fend off rivals.
But at the same time, some say, Mr. Perry has introduced a new level of acrimony and undermined the bipartisanship touted by his predecessor as a model for how government should work.
In pressing the Republican case for redistricting and targeting political enemies, the governor has emerged from the shadow of George W. Bush and established a distinct leadership style in which he has not hesitated to ruffle feathers.
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Perry supporters say he is demonstrating strength and authority. His detractors say the governor's stewardship will make it difficult in the future when he needs support to solve tough issues, such as taxes and school finance.
Mr. Perry dismisses the critics. "What some see as being hardnosed, others see as being principled. That's in the eye of the beholder," he said in an interview.
As for comparisons with Mr. Bush and former Gov. Ann Richards, Mr. Perry said: "We're in different times."
"Gov. Richards was only here for four years and her first session and second session were very difficult economically," he said.
"George Bush was here during probably as good an economic times as we've had," he said, contrasting his own experience in which the state faced a $10 billion budget deficit.
"It's easier to be accommodating to everyone's needs when you have the economics working for you. We obviously did not have that, so hard decisions had to be made."
Another difference: The GOP last year completed its sweep of state government by winning the Texas House and electing a Republican speaker.
For the first time in more than 130 years, Republicans hold every statewide office and both chambers of the Legislature – an unprecedented partisan platform that gave Mr. Perry the opportunity to have the Legislature redraw congressional boundaries to benefit the GOP.
In that effort – which begins again Monday – he has the active support of House Majority Leader Tom DeLay and White House political adviser Karl Rove.
"He could use their good will as he approaches what might be a difficult re-election campaign" in three years, said Mr. Buchanan. "He might be in a fight within the Republican Party with people like Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison and Comptroller Carole Strayhorn.
"It would certainly be nice if he's Karl Rove's favorite Republican in that fight, and this is one way to put himself in that position."
Other battles
If redistricting has proved his most fractious battle, it is not the only example of Mr. Perry asserting his authority by choosing conflict over accommodation in the political wars of Austin. Among others, he has:
• Pressed Lt. Gov David Dewhurst and Senate Republicans to abolish a half-century-old tradition aimed at fostering consensus across party lines. Mr. Perry wants the Senate to scrap the requirement that two-thirds of the members agree to bring up legislation for consideration.
• Sent a signal to the GI Forum, one of the nation's largest Hispanic veterans groups, by delaying approval of $300,000 in federal money to the organization. The group had publicly challenged Mr. Perry on redistricting.
• Proposed the most sweeping consolidation of power in the governor's office in a century. The new powers – largely rejected by lawmakers – would have moved Texas toward a Cabinet system by stripping oversight boards and making agency heads report directly to the governor.
• Encouraged the ouster of lobbyists associated with special interest groups that backed his Democratic challenger in 2002. Among the changes, Perry operatives forced the removal of Kim Ross at the Texas Medical Association, and a Perry ally was installed.
• Targeted Mrs. Strayhorn by including on the agenda of Monday's special session the removal of two high-profile programs from her office. Mrs. Strayhorn, who has not ruled out a possible challenge to Mr. Perry's re-election in 2006, says she will fight any effort to gut her office.
• Angered lawmakers after his first session as governor in 2001 by vetoing a record 82 bills. Opponents said Mr. Perry acted without warning or opportunity for compromise, although political backers said the episode served notice that the fledgling governor was a force to be reckoned with.
"He's acting in a manner that's consistent with somebody who is going to be deemed a powerful governor," said Bill Miller, an Austin political consultant who has helped GOP leaders. "You have to be decisive. You have to be strong. And you can't be averse to conflict if you're going to achieve that goal."
Danger in approach?
Others see danger in Mr. Perry's approach, which they warn could introduce a polarized, Washington-style politics in Austin.
"He's not only ignoring the center, he's trying to obliterate the center," said Mr. Ross. "It creates a world of either-or, a regime style of managing their affairs, which is to say a very specific agenda with little or no room for compromise or accommodation. There is no DMZ [demilitarized zone]."
Mr. Perry prefers to describe his approach as guided by principle.
"I don't think you compromise your principles," he said. "Now do you sit down and work with people? Sure. We do that every day."
Mr. Perry said he has tackled tough issues – balancing the budget without new taxes, protecting business against lawsuits, and launching an aggressive program to build highways, pipelines and rail transportation.
"You don't change those kind of age-old processes without ruffling a few feathers," he said.
Although Mr. Perry enjoyed high approval ratings early in his tenure as governor, his numbers have fallen in the last year. According to the most recent Texas Poll, Mr. Perry's rating has fallen to its lowest level. For the first time, more people disapprove of the job he's doing than approve.
Mr. Perry fares poorly among Democrats and independents in the survey, but has strong support among Republicans, who give him a thumbs-up by a ratio of 3 to 1.
Austin political consultant Tony Proffitt said Mr. Perry's Republican support is important because that's where the votes are.
A decade ago about a third of Texans identified themselves as Democrat and a quarter as Republican, but now it's just the opposite.
"He is promoting the political agenda of those who voted him into office," said Mr. Proffitt. "His legacy to this point has a hard, conservative edge. So what he's doing has almost no risk. The Democratic Party does not have the voting strength to upset him at this point."
The more likely immediate challenge could come in a GOP primary, analysts say. If what Mr. Perry wants is to keep his seat, he needs to satisfy that growing constituency, Mr. Proffitt said.
"By virtue of his party affiliation and by virtue of the political affiliation of a growing majority of Texas voters, Perry has a much deeper gene pool to work with than any Republican has ever had," he said.
Asked about his assertive style and more partisan agenda, Mr. Perry offered some political arithmetic of his own.
"I think 50 percent plus one of the people of Texas are ready for leaders who say here's what I believe in," he said, "and who stand up for those principles."
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