Posted on 04/08/2003 7:14:32 AM PDT by truthandlife
Yasser Arafat continues to control both the most marginal and most important appointments in the Palestinian Authority.
For the last three weeks, ever since the Palestinian Legislative Council gave Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) the job of forming a cabinet as prime minister, and after innumerable legal tussles in the council over Arafat's authority in the era after the government is formed, it is becoming clear that Abu Mazen's mission is a lot more difficult than it originally appeared.
In the initial days after his appointment, Abu Mazen spread the word he wanted to appoint a government of technocrats that would lead to real change in the PA. But reality appears to have overruled him. In recent days, he has sent messages to Arafat and Arafat associates that he is considering giving up the effort.
Abu Mazen's travels throughout the West Bank and Gaza in recent weeks revealed to him a gloomy picture of what is going on in the PA-controlled areas. The various security forces are operating as private militias with criminal characteristics, the administration is corrupt, and personal corruption of several leading officials "astonished" him, say sources close to the prime minister-designate.
But apparently what most deters him now is a series of steps Arafat has taken in recent days that have made the PA chairman's intentions clear to Abu Mazen, the No. 2 man in the PLO and one of Fatah's founders.
Abu Mazen has discovered that two key security services, the General Intelligence force under Tawfiq Tirawi and the National Security force under Haj Ismail, two of the most dedicated Arafat loyalists, will continue to operate under direct command of Arafat even after Abu Mazen forms his government.
In addition, he found that Arafat is vetoing several of the ministers that have been mentioned as members of an Abu Mazen cabinet, particularly Mohammed Dahlan, the former head of Preventive Security in Gaza, whom Abu Mazen wants as interior minister, responsible for all the security services. Various "creative" formulas meant to leave the interior ministry in Abu Mazen's hands and name Dahlan as an adviser have also been ruled out by Arafat.
On Saturday, Abu Mazen discovered Arafat means to take over the formation of the government. He didn't send a direct message to that effect but instead convened Fatah's Central Committee in Ramallah and Abu Mazen was invited to brief the committee on expected Fatah appointees.
Arafat opened the meeting with the words, "We gave Abu Mazen authority and so far he has not provided us with the list of ministers." The intention was clear: Arafat wants the committee to make the appointments, and not Abu Mazen.
Instead of reporting on his plan, Abu Mazen understood which way the wind was blowing and preferred to conduct a discussion in which it became clear that most of the central committee members are demanding that Hanni el-Hassan, an Arafat loyalist, remain as interior minister.
Since Abu Mazen took on the job of forming a government, the name Hanni el-Hassan has been a red flag for him, the last person he wants in his cabinet.
He also found out that many of the members of the central committee are demanding they be appointed to the cabinet and that he can't satisfy the committee if he doesn't meet this demand.
Furthermore, Abu Mazen now realizes that in the best case, Arafat means to conduct the political negotiations with Israel and use Abu Mazen as a fig leaf.
Although the Palestinian Basic Law grants him authority, his maneuverability has been greatly reduced. In effect, other than the appointment of an office manager (Nabil Kasis of Bethlehem), he has not been able to do very much.
Even matters that appeared settled, like economic reforms, are turning out to be reversible.
In recent days, Sami Ramlawi, who served as a treasurer for Arafat in the Finance Ministry, has returned to his job even though he was deposed with the appointment of Finance Minister Salam Fayyad.
More than anyone else, Ramlawi is identified as Arafat's paymaster, operating directly on behalf of Arafat and handing out cash. The old system, whereby payrolls for security forces were made to the commanders of the forces, who then handed out the money to the troops - leading to much corruption - has returned.
The war in Iraq has also not made things easy for Abu Mazen. It is difficult to think of a more problematic time for him to be appointed. The argument that "while Iraq is fighting for its life, Abu Mazen was appointed with American bayonets," which began as a Hamas criticism, has been picked up by Fatah people, include Arafat's coteries.
Abu Mazen is slated to announce his government Thursday, but at this point it appears almost certain that he has not managed to form a framework that shapes the balance of power in the West Bank and Gaza according to his wishes. His government, if presented, is likely to be even broader than 22-24 ministers, a desperate attempt to satisfy everyone that may leave him with practically nothing.
Even if he decides to be prime minister, it now appears unlikely he will be able to make any real changes.
Israeli Arab paper challenges leadership An independent Israeli Arab newspaper, Al Ahali, published Monday an editorial vehemently attacking the Israeli Arab leadership for not acting to halt the rising tide of participation by Israeli Arabs in hostile activity against the state.
The editorial written by editor in chief Salam Jubran, calls on the leadership "to deal seriously" with the problem.
"How long will the Palestinian catastrophe continue... with unrealistic, inhumane thinking providing excuses to Israel?" he wrote. Noting that the Shin Bet data on Israeli Arab involvement in hostile activity has reached 77 in 2002, Jubran says that while that "is a very small amount considering there are 1.2 million Israeli Arabs, and it's true Israeli Arabs live in a terrible trap in light of the Palestinian tragedy happening in front of their eyes... but the Arab leadership - and not just the MKs and the mayors, but the political movements and associations and the educated elite - must move beyond the abstract artificialities, go beyond the shouting and spirit of the struggle, to deal directly with the dangers."
"The basic problem," he writes, "is that the terror harms the cause of the Palestinian public in the territories and Israel... and plays into the hands of Sharon and Mofaz."
The anti-terror message he says, "is a matter of principle, and not tactics. On the moral, political and religious plane, can there be any rationale for killing innocent civilians in terror attacks? What right does a person have to choose some cafe, school or club to attack with bombs in the name of Palestine?
"Throughout the history of Palestine, from the 1930s until today, it has been proven that the use of terror is both immoral and a failure... And that particularly affects us, the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel, citizens of the state, we must be a thousand times more committed than our people in the West Bank and Gaza, to take into account our situation."
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