Unfortunately for you I can actually find some of the articles you site.
I thought you said Yugoslavia was not communist?
Right from the start, Milosevic made it quite clear what he was going to do.
"Until September, the majority of the Serbian Communist Party leadership pursued a policy of seeking compromise with the Kosovo party hierarchy under its ethnic Albanian leader, Azem Vlasi.
But during a 30-hour session of the Serbian central committee in late September, the Serbian party secretary, Slobodan Milosevic, deposed Dragisa Pavlovic, as head of Belgrade's party organization, the country's largest. Mr. Milosevic accused Mr. Pavlovic of being an appeaser who was soft on Albanian radicals. Mr. Milosevic had courted the Serbian backlash vote with speeches in Kosovo itself calling for ''the policy of the hard hand.''
''We will go up against anti-Socialist forces, even if they call us Stalinists,'' Mr. Milosevic declared recently. That a Yugoslav politician would invite someone to call him a Stalinist even four decades after Tito's epochal break with Stalin, is a measure of the state into which Serbian politics have fallen. For the moment, Mr. Milosevic and his supporters appear to be staking their careers on a strategy of confrontation with the Kosovo ethnic Albanians.
Other Yugoslav politicians have expressed alarm. ''There is no doubt Kosovo is a problem of the whole country, a powder keg on which we all sit,'' said Milan Kucan, head of the Slovenian Communist Party.
Remzi Koljgeci, of the Kosovo party leadership, said in an interview in Pristina that ''relations are cold'' between the ethnic Albanians and Serbs of the province, that there were too many ''people without hope.''
But many of those interviewed agreed it was also a rare opportunity for Yugoslavia to take radical political and economic steps, as Tito did when he broke with the Soviet bloc in 1948.
Efforts are under way to strengthen central authority through amendments to the constitution. The League of Communists is planning an extraordinary party congress before March to address the country's grave problems.
The hope is that something will be done then to exert the rule of law in Kosovo while drawing ethnic Albanians back into Yugoslavia's mainstream.
Copyright 1987 The New York Times Company "
The Serbian authorities arrested the Bosnian Serb Banovic brothers in November last year, under an indictment accusing them of war crimes against Muslim prisoners in the Keraterm camp. Their subsequent extradition sparked weeks of protest by a special forces unit known as the “Red Berets.” The unit claimed it had been duped into arresting the brothers, unaware they would be handed over to the UN tribunal.
The prosecution at the tribunal filed a motion on March 27 for the indictment against Nenad Banovic to be withdrawn.
Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic used the case to argue the merits of the tribunal and of extraditing war crimes suspects.
“His name was on the Hague list and it was our country’s obligation that he appeared before the court. The fact that the court decided there was not enough evidence, only goes to show that it really is a court and that the rights of suspects are protected,” Djindjic told reporters.
Banovic would have remained on the Hague list for the rest of his life had he not appeared before the court, added the premier. (Srna)