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"What Are the Children Who Grow Up to Become Police Officers Learning in School?"
The New Republic ^ | September 28, 2014 | Rachel Toliver

Posted on 09/28/2014 1:13:29 PM PDT by 2ndDivisionVet

Lessons from Philadelphia's mandatory African American History classes.

This summer, in Missouri, America got an awful tutorial in the realities of racism. We were taught—yet again, through bullets and teargas­—what it means to be black in this country. There is much to be done to prevent future Fergusons, of course. But as a teacher, I find myself wondering what our schools can contribute.

In Philadelphia, where I live and teach high school, we have a course that could help to improve race relations. But some students believe that it doesn’t go far enough.

Here in Philly, students are required to take a one-year course in African-American history; if they don’t take the class, they won’t graduate. The scope of the course is comprehensive, focusing not only on resistance and protest traditions, but also on the cultural history of Africa and the African diaspora. This mandate, the first—and virtually the only—of its kind, has been around for almost a decade. But its story begins 40 years before that.

In 1967, a coalition of about 4,000 African-American students held a peaceful demonstration before Philadelphia’s Board of Education building. In tandem with similar movements nationwide, they demanded that the African-American experience be made more visible in their schools. One of their 25 demands was that curricula be expanded beyond the superficial-at-best treatment of African-American history. The protest remained nonviolent until Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo spurred two busloads of his officers to attack the students with teargas and clubs. According to witnesses, Rizzo galvanized his men with a rallying cry of “get their black asses!”

Rizzo later became Philadelphia’s mayor and made it his business to undo work toward the Afro-American history curriculum. A few teachers began offering the course at their schools, but it was not officially implemented until 2005.

At the selective, high-performing Philly magnet school where I work, African-American, Pan-African, and Caribbean students make up 31 percent of the student body. In the six years I’ve taught English this school, I’ve gotten to know and collaborate with brilliant, revolutionary young people of color. These students are relentless in their critical thought, passionate in their pursuit of justice—much like the young people who protested at the Board of Ed in 1967. Our kids write spoken-word poems about the alienation of African-Americans who perform well academically and the ambivalence of being a light-skinned women deemed beautiful by skewed societal biases. They turn in insightful papers on subjects ranging from Tyler Perry to Zora Neale Hurston to Claude McKay. Last year, students at my school organized a panel discussion on “colorism,” or intra-racism within communities of color; our school’s conference center, which seats over 100 people, was standing room only.

And yet, many of these very students have found themselves disengaged and frustrated in their African-American history classes. I asked a number of former students—all of whom are in their first or second years of college, all of whom are African-American—about where they believe the course falls short. This is what I learned.

When students enter the class eager for higher-level discourse on race—a discourse they are often already having on Twitter and Tumblr—some chafe against lessons that often amount to reiterations of their U.S. history texts. This experience is exacerbated for students who’ve taken Advanced Placement U.S. History, which is both comprehensive and exacting in its demands for memorizing information. One student, spoken-word poet Kai Davis, felt that “In a class that spoke about the history of Africans and Black Americans, we did not speak about race sufficiently” and that, as a result, “most students left with the same mindsets they entered with.”

The issue is less the curriculum than the way it’s sometimes taught. In the class, students study things like African civilizations, the middle passage, and the civil rights movement. “The plight of people of color was given a voice,” was one student’s positive summary. But certain teachers choose to present that content almost as artifacts, rather than as parts of a larger, ongoing narrative of oppression and resilience. Gabrielle Richardson told me that although the course expanded her knowledge of African-American history, “the way it was taught made it seem that racial injustice was a thing of the past. There was no correlation of historic events with current politics or culture. It was taught in a way that isolated the past and the present.” Davis, now a sophomore at Temple University, questioned her class’s treatment of Trayvon Martin’s murder—or rather, the fact that the class didn’t really engage with the tragedy. The class simply “acknowledged that it happened and moved on.”

Andrew Wilkins, another of my school’s young alumni, said: “To this day, I am confused as to what type of emotions this course intended to arise from its students.”

It’s easy to understand the instinct to keep the class objective. People who oppose having a separate African-American history course in the first place will portray it as an ideological program or divisive propaganda. (This, of course, assumes that any other course in history—world history or European hstory—is not ideologically driven.) While no one has to fight to legitimize a course in, say, Algebra, proponents of ethnic studies are always put on the defensive. Darlene Clark Hine, the Northwestern professor who adapted a college textbook to create the one taught to Philly high-school students, argued that one of its strengths was that it lays out a history “as tight and compelling as possible, without a lot of scholarly debate over interpretations.” The stated goal of the text, according to a 2005 Philadelphia Inquirer article, was to instruct students in chronological progression and cause and effect.

But if the class can be vexing for students, it’s no less so for the people standing at the front of the room, who sometimes fear that introducing current events and encouraging interpretation and debate will lead to controversy or open conflict. “It’s uncomfortable for white teachers to speak about race,” said George Bezanis, who has taught African-American history at my school. “Certain ideas, like white privilege—some people don’t know how to approach it.”

Another of my colleagues, Ken Hung, offered a different theory: Many teachers simply don’t have any comparable experiences in their own educations. “We teach the way we were taught, and many of us don’t remember our teachers covering these types of topics. That’s an interesting point with ethnic studies. There’s a critical mass of people who want to teach these topics, but we don’t have the background because we didn’t go through it in school, and there aren’t many resources available.”

Yet when African-American history teachers do push themselves outside their comfort zones, the impact on students is incredible. Helena Jeudin, two years after being enrolled in the course, still remembers being introduced to DuBois’s theory of “double consciousness”—the recognition she felt, the way DuBois gave voice to her experience. “As a person of color, how I am perceived is crucial to my being. I often worry about how I am being perceived by those who are white—whether I am being ‘too cultural,’ ‘too radical,’ ‘too defiant,’ because I wear my hair naturally instead of assimilating to more European styles. But also, about how I am perceived and valued within my own community—having to explain the fact that being Haitian doesn’t mean I am not black.”

Darien Carter, a sophomore at Howard University, says that dialogue with classmates caused a paradigm shift in his view of race: “Before taking the course, I remember being skeptical of the concept that race is important, primarily thinking that race was used as a divisive tool by people who were insidiously racist in order to obtain and exert power over others. However, African-American history taught me, through the curriculum and discussions that would happen throughout my racially diverse class, that there are some experiences that I will have only because of my race—socially accepted racial profiling and stereotyping, to name just two examples.”

It’s not just African-American students who benefit from these discussions; through this exchange of ideas, students of all races can reevaluate power dynamics and their roles in systemic inequity. Dana King, who wrote the curriculum, notes, “I have found that the course has also reshaped the identity of ‘Euro-American’ students, because of the misinterpretation of their own identities.”

At my school, many teachers are making efforts to structure African-American history thematically, rather than chronologically, which gives them the freedom to toggle back and forth between the past and the present, highlighting patterns. Approached that way, Hung contends, the course can tackle issues that cut to the heart of identity and race today—the development of race as a concept, the tradition of protest, racial constructs, and how these constructs pit one minority group against another. Another teacher requires his students to discuss relevant news articles at least once a week—a component of the course that many students still remembered, years later.

And unlike some teachers, who see the course as an obligation to be endured, Yaasiyn Muhammad asked for an entire roster—six classes—of African-American history last year. Last summer, he won a fellowship to study Native American history at Dartmouth College; in addition to integrating the Native American experience into the curriculum, he is also planning to include a unit on the intersection of race and gender. Hung, too, requested the class—in his case, an independent study version that correlates African-American history with global studies. His students read and lead discussions on the book The New Jim Crow, which addresses how incarceration brings about systemic disenfranchisement in African-American communities.

No single curriculum or teaching style can prevent Ferguson from becoming history that repeats itself. But classes like Philadelphia’s African-American history course do have the power to teach one invaluable lesson to students of all races. It’s called empathy.

Empathy can’t be quantified by a standardized test. But it is central to any discussion of race in America—and empathy is often the one thing that’s missing in such discussions. “African-American history did not necessarily help me make sense of my identity as an African-American,” Wilkins told me. “It did however help me make sense of myself as a human.”

Dana King, who has taught numerous African-American history courses, put it a different way: “What are the children who grow up to become police officers learning in school, and who are their teachers?”


TOPICS: Crime/Corruption; Culture/Society; Government; US: Pennsylvania
KEYWORDS: blacks; education; ferguson; lawenforcement; michaelbrown; pennsylvania; philadelphia; racism
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

...and I’d like to know what they’re learning in the union hall too.....


21 posted on 09/28/2014 1:30:09 PM PDT by C. Edmund Wright (www.FireKarlRove.com NOW)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

Police misconduct is color blind.


22 posted on 09/28/2014 1:30:16 PM PDT by Half Vast Conspiracy (I'm done being even remotely civil.)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

Nothing helps race relations like putting down a bunch of white kids in front of a bunch of black kids.


23 posted on 09/28/2014 1:31:11 PM PDT by C. Edmund Wright (www.FireKarlRove.com NOW)
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To: 68skylark

the problem is, Toliver and others like her are turning the US into a mean, terrible evil place.........for real.


24 posted on 09/28/2014 1:31:59 PM PDT by C. Edmund Wright (www.FireKarlRove.com NOW)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet
Let me be the first


25 posted on 09/28/2014 1:33:38 PM PDT by BBell (I'm cynical and sarcastic and therefore I love Ann Coulter)
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To: Lurker
queen of spades tattoo

I had to look it up. I've learned something new today so I guess I can go to sleep now.

26 posted on 09/28/2014 1:38:04 PM PDT by BBell (I'm cynical and sarcastic and therefore I love Ann Coulter)
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To: C. Edmund Wright
Toliver and others like her are turning the US into a mean, terrible evil place.........for real.

Well, maybe. People like Mr. Toliver and doing harm, in my opinion. But the harm they can do is limited -- I still have a great opinion about the US, and feel extraordinarily lucky to live here. There's a LOT to like and be proud of.

It's good that everyone here is free to have their own opinions -- even the people who just want to be negative.

I just wish there weren't so many anti-American folks working in education.

27 posted on 09/28/2014 1:40:19 PM PDT by 68skylark
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To: 68skylark

Maybe a letter from Lois and the boys down at the IRS will convince you......or maybe the EPA will take your property. Or maybe some trial lawyer will sue you into oblivion. And then there’s the death panel awaiting you if you’re lucky.

I’m not being negative, I am simply pointing out that these people are TURNING America evil, mean and terrible. They’re not finished yet. But they are in power and they are on the move. Is America still the best place to live? Maybe, maybe not. For most of my life, it was a slam dunk answer. We’re moving in the wrong direction.

Google Pollyanna


28 posted on 09/28/2014 1:48:35 PM PDT by C. Edmund Wright (www.FireKarlRove.com NOW)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

I scanned through Ms. White-Guilt’s near-endless essay in self-congratulation without discovering anything the students have learned or do that might be “useful”.
Racial victim-consciousness. Check.
Marxist critique. Check.
Spoken poetry. (Rap lyrics?) Check.
White privilege guilt trip? Check.

“Educators” like this are determined to inculcate a sense of grievance in kids who missed past racism, and teach them to see injustice in every aspect of their lives. Is this fair to kids who might otherwise perceive themselves as winners? Does it lower someone’s self-esteem to identify themselves with helpless victims of the middle passage, slavery, Jim Crow, etc.? Do kids end up feeling guilty if they don’t spend every waking moment conscious of race race race? The purpose in all this seems to be to encourage anger, not understanding.


29 posted on 09/28/2014 1:53:08 PM PDT by Chewbarkah
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To: C. Edmund Wright
Yeah, we certainly have our challenges as a country — that's true. You make some very good points.

It's difficult for me to judge whether our challenges are more or less serious than at other times in our history.

By the way, in an earlier comment I mistyped Ms. Toliver’s name — I'm sorry about that. I don't know if she or her friends will read this. If they do, I'd like them to know I'm sorry about her bad attitude toward this country, and I respectfully disagree very strongly. I wish she'd reconsider. But my incorrect typing was merely a typo — not an attempt to be crude or insulting to her. I regret the error, and in spite of our political differences I hope she'll forgive my mistake.

30 posted on 09/28/2014 2:56:02 PM PDT by 68skylark
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

The lesson we learned is that yes, black males do rob convenience stores and rough up, or kill, the workers there. Yes, they do fight with the cops and yes they and the cops too get killed. And we also learned what a dumba$$ this woman is who wrote this blog.


31 posted on 09/28/2014 3:18:24 PM PDT by armydawg505
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

.

- DID YOU NOTICE THE BIG FUSS OBAMA & HOLDER MADE ABOUT THE BARACK MUSLIM THAT BEHEADED A WOMAN IN OKLAHOMA?


32 posted on 09/28/2014 3:39:34 PM PDT by devolve (- "When Obama puts on a USMC T-Shirt to play basketball he still shoots 90% airballs! -)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

Given that my state is less than one percent black, I’m confident we’re never going to have this crap in any high school during my lifetime. I moved back here specifically because the ‘minority’ population is near zero, and because we score near a zero on the Brady Gun Control State Rankings.


33 posted on 09/28/2014 4:17:21 PM PDT by GreyHoundSailor
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To: 2ndDivisionVet
Here's a better picture of Rachel.


34 posted on 09/28/2014 4:20:42 PM PDT by RightGeek (FUBO and the donkey you rode in on)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

Did they learn that EVERY RACE has experienced slavery at one time or another through-out human history? That bigotry is a universal trait of humanity? That blacks are also guilty of possessing slaves? And are as guilty of racism as any other race?

I wonder...


35 posted on 09/28/2014 6:01:32 PM PDT by Twotone (Truth is hate to those who hate truth.)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

A self serving pseudo intellectual vanity piece by a race obsessed “teacher” promoting mandatory racial grievence education disguised as a history class.


36 posted on 09/28/2014 7:24:31 PM PDT by Brooklyn Attitude (Things are only going to get worse.)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

There’s what the teacher tells you, then there’s what you see with your own eyes.

The teacher told me that Africans are a noble but oppressed race with a love of the arts and a fierce hunger for education.

The more these two things contrast, the more people will wake up.


37 posted on 09/28/2014 8:15:57 PM PDT by Right2BareArms
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To: 2ndDivisionVet
OMG...it's Sideshow Bob!!!!


38 posted on 09/28/2014 8:23:20 PM PDT by Joe 6-pack (Qui me amat, amat et canem meum.)
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To: 2ndDivisionVet

Does it explain why there are still 27 million black slaves in Africa?


39 posted on 09/28/2014 8:26:27 PM PDT by <1/1,000,000th%
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To: C. Edmund Wright

Mandating this course ensures a 100% black student body in your public schools, while whites either attend private schools or simply leave the welfare-reservation-in-the-making.

If segregation was the goal, the architects of the curriculum did a great job - they are ensuring that we have two Americas, separate and unequal because black America can’t receive a real education. It is apparently still illegal to teach blacks to read & write in the US.


40 posted on 09/29/2014 3:17:19 AM PDT by kearnyirish2 (Affirmative action is economic warfare against white males (and therefore white families).)
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