Paul Hastings LLP, a leading global law firm, represented Pine Island Capital Partners, LLC in connection with the acquisition of Precinmac Precision Machining, a diversified manufacturer of high-precision machined components and assemblies for companies in the aerospace & defense, semiconductor, and general industrials sectors. Pine Island Capital Partners completed the acquisition with Bain Capital Credit, LP, with Compass Partners Capital investing.: Pine Island Capital Partners and Bain Capital Credit Acquire Precinmac Precision Machining
Hmm, who else do we know from Bain. . .
[Caption: "Tony Blinken, second from left, has been Joe Biden's right-hand man for almost two decades"]
Sergio Aguirre and Nitin Chadda had reached the most elite quarters of U.S. foreign policy. Aguirre had started out of school as a fellow in the White House and a decade later had become chief of staff to U.N. Ambassador Samantha Power. Chadda, who joined the Pentagon out of college as a speechwriter, had become a key adviser to Secretary of Defense Ash Carter in even less time. Now, Chadda had a long-shot idea.
They turned to an industry of power-brokering little known outside the capital: strategic consultancies. Retiring leaders often open firms bearing their names: Madeleine Albright has one, as do Condoleezza Rice and former Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen. Their strategic consultancies tend to blur corporate and governmental roles. This obscure corner of Washington is critical to understanding how a President Joe Biden would conduct foreign policy. He has been picking top advisers from this shadowy world. . .
Michèle Flournoy had served as undersecretary of defense for policy from 2009 to 2012. Both Aguirre and Chadda had known her well in the Obama administration. Since leaving office, shed spent several years in consulting and was hitting her stride. With Flournoy as senior adviser, Boston Consulting Groups defense contracts grew from $1.6 million in 2013 to $32 million in 2016. Before she joined, according to public records, BCG had not signed any contracts with the Defense Department.
Flournoy, while consulting, joining corporate boards, and serving as a senior fellow at Harvards Belfer Center, had also become CEO of the Center for a New American Security in 2014. The think tank had an annual budget of about $9 million, and defense contractors donated at least $3.8 million while she was CEO. By 2017, she was making $452,000 a year.
If a Democrat were to win office, she would likely become the first woman defense secretary. She had considered an offer to serve as deputy to Trumps first secretary of defense, Jim Mattis, but ultimately withdrew from the vetting process and stuck to consulting. Thats more of a labor of love, she told me. Building bridges between Silicon Valley and the U.S. government is really, really important.
Intrigued by Aguirre and Chaddas idea of starting her own shop, she had one condition: find another big name, so it wouldnt just be Flournoy and Associates.
They needed another co-founder. . .
He had been Vice President Joe Bidens right-hand man for almost two decades and finished out the Obama administration as deputy secretary of state. He was known for his unimpeachable ethics. Having written Bidens speeches for years, he had started to enunciate with the vice presidents drawl when he appeared on CNN. He had never cashed in on his international connections, years of face time with Saudi, Israeli, and Chinese leaders.
His name was Tony Blinken. With his commitment to join Flournoy as founding partner, a new strategic consultancy was born. They called it WestExec Advisors.
WEST EXECUTIVE AVENUE runs along the West Wing of the White House, the connection between presidential power and the offices where aides sit and do the real work. The name WestExec Advisors trades on its founders recent knowledge of the highest echelons of decision-making. It also suggests theyll be walking down WestExec toward 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue some day soon. . .
AGUIRRE AND CHADDA RENTED an office suite three blocks from the White House. The newly hired operations director drove over card tables, folding chairs, and a Wi-Fi router in the trunk of her car. But this was hardly a scrappy startup.
WestExec promised to be more boutique than conventional consultancies like Albright Stonebridge Group or RiceHadleyGates. Most clients would have direct access to either Blinken or Flournoy. They also recruited an assortment of former colleagues as contractors to chip in, among them Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert Work, Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro, and Deputy CIA Director Avril Haines, who had helped design Obamas program of using drones for extrajudicial killings.
Now, they needed clients. The first step was hosting a party.
At their April 2018 launch, Aguirre and Chadda stood with drinks across the hall from WestExecs now furnished suite. It had a clubby feel thanks to purple lights and concrete walls. It must have been heartening to look across the room at Susan Rice, Tom Donilon, and Denis McDonough eating canapés as a DJ spun.
The next day, they were back to reaching out to venture capitalists and corporate leaders. Their whole approach was based on word of mouth and the power of their founders reputations. Initially, WestExecs website, with its cool black-and-white portraits in dark suits, simply listed Blinken by his role in the firm. By April, a boldfaced title had been added under his name: Former Deputy Secretary of State and Former Deputy National Security Advisor to the President. It must have appealed to clients.
To look more established, WestExec found partners in a private equity group and a Google affiliate.
The private equity firm Pine Island Capital Partners was incorporated a year earlier by John Thain. Blinken and Flournoy joined a startlingly high-profile roster of former policymakers, including four retired senators and the former chair of the Joint Chiefs. (Pine Island declined to comment.) Thain, an investment banker, had tanked Merrill Lynch, sold it off to Bank of America, and paid himself several bonuses along the way. At the height of the subprime mess, he spent $1.2 million remodeling his office, installing a $35,000 golden toilet. He seemed like a less-than-ideal partner for public servants.
Another partnership was with Googles in-house think tank, Jigsaw. WestExecs Robert Work, during his time at the Pentagon, collaborated with the tech company in an artificial-intelligence venture, as first reported by The Intercept. That AI initiative, known as Project Maven, led to an insurrection among Google staff upset about collaborating with the military. (WestExec has done no work on Project Maven. Period, said Flournoy.) Though Jigsaw has since been removed from WestExecs list of partners, the Prospect has learned that Blinken and Flournoy have continued to work quietly and informally with Google engineers and executives, spitballing potential geopolitical threats. Schmidt Futures, Google founder and billionaire Eric Schmidts philanthropy, has also hired WestExec. . .
One was an airline, another a global transportation company, a third a company that makes drones that can almost instantly scan an entire buildings interior. WestExec would only divulge that it began working with Fortune 100 types, including large U.S. tech; financial services, including global-asset managers; aerospace and defense; emerging U.S. tech; and nonprofits.
The Prospect can confirm that one of those clients is the Israeli artificial-intelligence company Windward. With surveillance software that tracks ships in real time, two former Israeli naval intelligence officers established the company in 2010. Gabi Ashkenazi, former chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces, serves on its board. Windward also claims former CIA director David Petraeus as an investor, as well as a Hong Kong billionaire (most U.S. military-tech companies avoid money from China, experts told me, so they turn to investing in Israel). . .
LAST YEAR, WESTEXECS corporate interests and their policymaking at last collided. On January 7, 2019, Tony Blinken and Michèle Flournoy chaired the biannual meeting of the liberal organization Foreign Policy for America. Over 50 representatives of national-security groups gathered in a boardroom at the Madison hotel in Washington. Blinken and Flournoys roles with WestExec were not listed on the invitation or on the FP4A website.
The group worked through 24 agenda items, and the last one was The War in Yemen. Many Obama diplomats had expressed remorse for enabling Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salmans destructive campaign in the Arab worlds poorest country. In 2015, Obama had dispatched Blinken to tell Mohammed bin Salman that the U.S. supported Saudi Arabias right to defend itself and nothing more. But four years later, the U.S., through its arms sales, was party to an ongoing war. The death toll was over 100,000 in an asymmetric conflict, and the defense contractor Raytheon had sold Saudi Arabia more than $3 billion worth of bombs.
Four hours into the marathon policy discussion, many former officials joined progressive advocates in urging an end to weapons sales. The starting point, per FP4As agenda, was to ask Congress to halt U.S. military involvement in the conflict. Most participants supported cutting all weapons sales, but one person stood apart: Flournoy tried to persuade the group that an outright ban on arms sales to Saudi Arabia wouldnt be a good idea. Putting conditions on their use was a better compromise, she said, one that defense contractors wouldnt lobby against, according to two attendees. Flournoy told me she had made a distinction between offensive and defensive weapons, saying that Saudi Arabia needed advanced Patriot missiles to protect itself.
It was an argument she had been making around the capital, but it didnt resonate among the left-leaning room and didnt affect the groups recommendation. To two people present, it sounded like Flournoy was working for Raytheon, which produces Patriot missiles.
Flournoy would not confirm whether WestExec currently works for them. Raytheon was not being considered as a client at that point, she said. When I take a policy position, I do so because I think it is in U.S. interests, and the views I express are solely my own, no one elses.
Another WestExec staffer wouldnt comment on whether the consultancy has Raytheon as a client but would only say the defense contractor is in the ballpark, noting they work for a defense prime, meaning one of the top five defense firms among which Raytheon ranks. (WestExecs own Robert Work has served on Raytheons board since 2017.)
WestExec is only one of Blinken and Flournoys overlapping roles, which keep them updated on trends that others lack access to. Flournoy, for instance, previously served on the Pentagons Defense Policy Board, the Presidents Intelligence Advisory Board, and the CIA directors External Advisory Board; each of these positions gives members access to sensitive information, which in turn provides insights useful to attracting and serving corporate clients. Membership requires ethics disclosures, though none of those documents are publicly available, adding another layer of opacity.
Flournoy also joined the board of Booz Allen Hamilton in October 2018, and it has signed 61 contracts with the Defense Department since. Last year, the role earned her $192,474 ($76,986 as cash, $115,488 in equity). She previously was a board member of the nonprofit Mitre Corporation, the IT company CSRA, and Rolls-Royce North America. She now serves on the board of Amida Technology Solutions and is a senior adviser to SparkCognition Government Systems, a new subsidiary that feeds the companys AI to government agencies.
When we do take on a defense firm, were careful and just thoughtful about the nature of the work that we do, Flournoy told me. Theres work we would do, and theres work we wouldnt do.
AGUIRRE AND CHADDA FELT their strategic consultancy had far surpassed their hopes. As Joe Biden launched his presidential campaign in spring 2019, they were committed to the firm they had built. If Democrats took the White House, they wont close up WestExec.
Think about it: If Biden were to win, we do think that companies will start coming to WestExec, for Hey, what is the commerce secretary thinking? one of the firms members said. Because we likely have a history with that person or that staffer in our network somewhere. That will be something we can provide that we just dont provide right now.
Blinken is back to consulting for the vice president. In a video on Bidens Twitter feed this April, he was introduced as senior foreign-policy adviser, explaining the candidates China policy. At the same time, WestExec advertises on its website that it will develop a strategy for expanding market access in China for clients. And a recent post on WestExecs LinkedIn page displays Obama and Blinken chatting at the end of the board table.
Chadda denied that Blinken was having it both ways. Volunteering for a political campaign, much like any other private pursuit, is done outside of formal employment and should never be implicated, he told me. . .
Myth Romney’s national security adviser, J. Cofer Black, recently served on the board of Burisma (has since resigned).
Bain also owns a controlling interest in I Heart Media, which also owns Premiere Radio Networks, Rush Limbaughs syndication firm, Just saying.