Posted on 09/15/2005 6:48:47 AM PDT by Antoninus
Below is the roll call vote.
The link you provided is the final vote on the whole bill. It appears to have received bipartisan support.
Just before that vote, another vote was held on the amendment by Rep. John Conyers which inserted the "Hate Crimes" provision.
| AYES | NOES | PRES | NV | |
| REPUBLICAN | 30 | 194 | 6 | |
| DEMOCRATIC | 192 | 5 | 5 | |
| INDEPENDENT | 1 | |||
| TOTALS | 223 | 199 | 11 |
| REPUBLICANS VOTING AYE | DEMOCRATS VOTING NO | |
| Bass Biggert Boehlert Bono Castle Dent Diaz-Balart, L. Diaz-Balart, M. Fitzpatrick (PA) Foley Gerlach Johnson (CT) Kelly Kirk Kolbe |
LaHood Leach LoBiondo McCotter Platts Reichert Ros-Lehtinen Saxton Schwarz (MI) Shays Shimkus Simmons Walden (OR) Weldon (PA) Weller |
Berry Boren Davis (TN) Tanner Taylor (MS) |
And here is the full text of the heinous amendment, from the Congressional Record:
H.R. 3132 Offered By: Mr. Conyers
AMENDMENT NO. 25: At the end of the bill, add the following new title:
TITLE VI--LOCAL LAW ENFORCEMENT HATE CRIMES PREVENTION SECTION 601. SHORT TITLE.
This title may be cited as the ``Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2005''.
SEC. 602. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) The incidence of violence motivated by the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of the victim poses a serious national problem.
(2) Such violence disrupts the tranquility and safety of communities and is deeply divisive.
(3) State and local authorities are now and will continue to be responsible for prosecuting the overwhelming majority of violent crimes in the United States, including violent crimes motivated by bias. These authorities can carry out their responsibilities more effectively with greater Federal assistance.
(4) Existing Federal law is inadequate to address this problem.
(5) The prominent characteristic of a violent crime motivated by bias is that it devastates not just the actual victim and the family and friends of the victim, but frequently savages the community sharing the traits that caused the victim to be selected.
(6) Such violence substantially affects interstate commerce in many ways, including--
(A) by impeding the movement of members of targeted groups and forcing such members to move across State lines to escape the incidence or risk of such violence; and
(B) by preventing members of targeted groups from purchasing goods and services, obtaining or sustaining employment, or participating in other commercial activity.
(7) Perpetrators cross State lines to commit such violence.
(8) Channels, facilities, and instrumentalities of interstate commerce are used to facilitate the commission of such violence.
(9) Such violence is committed using articles that have traveled in interstate commerce.
(10) For generations, the institutions of slavery and involuntary servitude were defined by the race, color, and ancestry of those held in bondage. Slavery and involuntary servitude were enforced, both prior to and after the adoption of the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the United States, through widespread public and private violence directed at persons because of their race, color, or ancestry, or perceived race, color, or ancestry. Accordingly, eliminating racially motivated violence is an important means of eliminating, to the extent possible, the badges, incidents, and relics of slavery and involuntary servitude.
(11) Both at the time when the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States were adopted, and continuing to date, members of certain religious and national origin groups were and are perceived to be distinct ``races''. Thus, in order to eliminate, to the extent possible, the badges, incidents, and relics of slavery, it is necessary to prohibit assaults on the basis of real or perceived religions or national origins, at least to the extent such religions or national origins were regarded as races at the time of the adoption of the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States.
(12) Federal jurisdiction over certain violent crimes motivated by bias enables Federal, State, and local authorities to work together as partners in the investigation and prosecution of such crimes.
(13) The problem of crimes motivated by bias is sufficiently serious, widespread, and interstate in nature as to warrant Federal assistance to States and local jurisdictions.
SEC. 603. DEFINITION OF HATE CRIME.
In this title, the term ``hate crime'' has the same meaning as in section 280003(a) of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (28 U.S.C. 994 note).
SEC. 604. SUPPORT FOR CRIMINAL INVESTIGATIONS AND PROSECUTIONS BY STATE AND LOCAL LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICIALS.
(a) Assistance Other Than Financial Assistance.--
(1) IN GENERAL.--At the request of a law enforcement official of a State or Indian tribe, the Attorney General may provide technical, forensic, prosecutorial, or any other form of assistance in the criminal investigation or prosecution of any crime that--
(A) constitutes a crime of violence (as defined in section 16 of title 18, United States Code);
(B) constitutes a felony under the laws of the State or Indian tribe; and
(C) is motivated by prejudice based on the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of the victim, or is a violation of the hate crime laws of the State or Indian tribe.
(2) PRIORITY.--In providing assistance under paragraph (1), the Attorney General shall give priority to crimes committed by offenders who have committed crimes in more than 1 State and to rural jurisdictions that have difficulty covering the extraordinary expenses relating to the investigation or prosecution of the crime.
(b) Grants.--
(1) IN GENERAL.--The Attorney General may award grants to assist State, local, and Indian law enforcement officials with the extraordinary expenses associated with the investigation and prosecution of hate crimes.
(2) OFFICE OF JUSTICE PROGRAMS.--In implementing the grant program, the Office of Justice Programs shall work closely with the funded jurisdictions to ensure that the concerns and needs of all affected parties, including community groups and schools, colleges, and universities, are addressed through the local infrastructure developed under the grants.
(3) APPLICATION.--
(A) IN GENERAL.--Each State that desires a grant under this subsection shall submit an application to the Attorney General at such time, in such manner, and accompanied by or containing such information as the Attorney General shall reasonably require.
(B) DATE FOR SUBMISSION.--Applications submitted pursuant to subparagraph (A) shall be submitted during the 60-day period beginning on a date that the Attorney General shall prescribe.
(C) REQUIREMENTS.--A State or political subdivision of a State or tribal official applying for assistance under this subsection shall--
(i) describe the extraordinary purposes for which the grant is needed;
(ii) certify that the State, political subdivision, or Indian tribe lacks the resources necessary to investigate or prosecute the hate crime;
(iii) demonstrate that, in developing a plan to implement the grant, the State, political subdivision, or tribal official has consulted and coordinated with nonprofit, nongovernmental victim services programs that have experience in providing services to victims of hate crimes; and
(iv) certify that any Federal funds received under this subsection will be used to supplement, not supplant, non-Federal funds that would otherwise be available for activities funded under this subsection.
(4) DEADLINE.--An application for a grant under this subsection shall be approved or disapproved by the Attorney General not later than 30 business days after the date on which the Attorney General receives the application.
(5) GRANT AMOUNT.--A grant under this subsection shall not exceed $100,000 for any single jurisdiction within a 1 year period.
(6) REPORT.--Not later than December 31, 2006, the Attorney General shall submit to Congress a report describing the applications submitted for grants under this subsection, the award of such grants, and the purposes for which the grant amounts were expended.
(7) AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.--There is authorized to be appropriated to carry out this subsection $5,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2006 and 2007.
SEC. 605. GRANT PROGRAM.
(a) Authority to Make Grants.--The Office of Justice Programs of the Department of Justice shall award grants, in accordance with such regulations as the Attorney General may prescribe, to State and local programs designed to combat hate crimes committed by juveniles, including programs to train local law enforcement officers in identifying, investigating, prosecuting, and preventing hate crimes.
(b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There are authorized to be appropriated such sums as may be necessary to carry out this section.
SEC. 606. AUTHORIZATION FOR ADDITIONAL PERSONNEL TO ASSIST STATE AND LOCAL LAW ENFORCEMENT.
There are authorized to be appropriated to the Department of Justice, including the Community Relations Service, for fiscal years 2006, 2007, and 2008 such sums as are necessary to increase the number of personnel to prevent and respond to alleged violations of section 249 of title 18, United States Code, as added by section 607.
SEC. 607. PROHIBITION OF CERTAIN HATE CRIME ACTS.
(a) In General.--Chapter 13 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:``§249. Hate crime acts
``(a) In General.--
``(1) OFFENSES INVOLVING ACTUAL OR PERCEIVED RACE, COLOR, RELIGION, OR NATIONAL ORIGIN.--Whoever, whether or not acting under color of law, willfully causes bodily injury to any person or, through the use of fire, a firearm, or an explosive or incendiary device, attempts to cause bodily injury to any person, because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, or national origin of any person--
``(A) shall be imprisoned not more than 10 years, fined in accordance with this title, or both; and
``(B) shall be imprisoned for any term of years or for life, fined in accordance with this title, or both, if--
``(i) death results from the offense; or
``(ii) the offense includes kidnaping or an attempt to kidnap, aggravated sexual abuse or an attempt to commit aggravated sexual abuse, or an attempt to kill.
``(2) OFFENSES INVOLVING ACTUAL OR PERCEIVED RELIGION, NATIONAL ORIGIN, GENDER, SEXUAL ORIENTATION, GENDER IDENTITY, OR DISABILITY.--
``(A) IN GENERAL.--Whoever, whether or not acting under color of law, in any circumstance described in subparagraph (B), willfully causes bodily injury to any person or, through the use of fire, a firearm, or an explosive or incendiary device, attempts to cause bodily injury to any person, because of the actual or perceived religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or disability of any person--
``(i) shall be imprisoned not more than 10 years, fined in accordance with this title, or both; and
``(ii) shall be imprisoned for any term of years or for life, fined in accordance with this title, or both, if--
``(I) death results from the offense; or
``(II) the offense includes kidnaping or an attempt to kidnap, aggravated sexual abuse or an attempt to commit aggravated sexual abuse, or an attempt to kill.
``(B) CIRCUMSTANCES DESCRIBED.--For purposes of subparagraph (A), the circumstances described in this subparagraph are that--
``(i) the conduct described in subparagraph (A) occurs during the course of, or as the result of, the travel of the defendant or the victim--
``(I) across a State line or national border; or
``(II) using a channel, facility, or instrumentality of interstate or foreign commerce;
``(ii) the defendant uses a channel, facility, or instrumentality of interstate or foreign commerce in connection with the conduct described in subparagraph (A);
``(iii) in connection with the conduct described in subparagraph (A), the defendant employs a firearm, explosive or incendiary device, or other weapon that has traveled in interstate or foreign commerce; or
``(iv) the conduct described in subparagraph (A)--
``(I) interferes with commercial or other economic activity in which the victim is engaged at the time of the conduct; or
``(II) otherwise affects interstate or foreign commerce.
``(b) Certification Requirement.--No prosecution of any offense described in this subsection may be undertaken by the United States, except under the certification in writing of the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, the Associate Attorney General, or any Assistant Attorney General specially designated by the Attorney General that--
``(1) he or she has reasonable cause to believe that the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability of any person was a motivating factor underlying the alleged conduct of the defendant; and
``(2) he or his designee or she or her designee has consulted with State or local law enforcement officials regarding the prosecution and determined that--
``(A) the State does not have jurisdiction or does not intend to exercise jurisdiction;
``(B) the State has requested that the Federal Government assume jurisdiction;
``(C) the State does not object to the Federal Government assuming jurisdiction; or
``(D) the verdict or sentence obtained pursuant to State charges left demonstratively unvindicated the Federal interest in eradicating bias-motivated violence.
``(c) Definitions.--In this section--
``(1) the term `explosive or incendiary device' has the meaning given the term in section 232 of this title;
``(2) the term `firearm' has the meaning given the term in section 921(a) of this title; and
``(3) the term `gender identity' for the purposes of this chapter means actual or perceived gender-related characteristics.
``(d) Rule of Evidence.--In a prosecution for an offense under this section, evidence of expression or associations of the defendant may not be introduced as substantive evidence at trial, unless the evidence specifically relates to that offense. However, nothing in this section affects the rules of evidence governing impeachment of a witness.''.
(b) Technical and Conforming Amendment.--The analysis for chapter 13 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following:
``249..Hate crime acts.''.
SEC. 608. STATISTICS.
Subsection (b)(1) of the first section of the Hate Crimes Statistics Act (28 U.S.C. 534 note) is amended by inserting ``gender and gender identity,'' after ``race,''.
SEC. 609. SEVERABILITY.
If any provision of this title, an amendment made by this title, or the application of such provision or amendment to any person or circumstance is held to be unconstitutional, the remainder of this Act, the amendments made by this Act, and the application of the provisions of such to any person or circumstance shall not be affected thereby.
The entire idea of a hate crime is absurd. As opposed to what, a love crime?
Maybe there really are love crimes. It's virtually certain that more gays have died because people were tolerant of their lifestyle than because of so-called gay bashing. How many gays have died of AIDS? How many would have died if homsexuality were still in the closet, and gays had to be more cautious about finding sex partners?
For every Matthew Sheppard, there are probably a few thousand gays who are dead because of "tolerance".
These laws are just another PC effort to control our thoughts and intimidate people into having the proper attitude as defined by the left.
Who gets included in these hate crime laws? Activist groups that have the ideological clout to be included.
How about prosecuting people who mug rich people for some form of class envy hate?
These laws are ridiculous. You suggest that we should enforce them equally, which is a problem because the very existence of these laws is an inequity against those groups not included in the law to begin with. But do you really think it's possible in the current PC atmosphere to equally enforce these laws? Good luck!
As for the slippery slope, it may take longer for free speech to be abridged here, but the intimidation is already beginning. Remember when Pryor was grilled by the Senate Democrats and denied a judgeship because he had said he wouldn't take his kids to DisneyWorld on "gay day"?
Don't think it can't happen here!
Motivation is different from intent. Criminal laws proscribe act + intent (actus reus and mens rea). Hate crimes, in fact, are thought control measures.
Why should there be enhanced punishment for the act of purposefully punching a member of a protected class because one does not like that class for whatever reason? Clearly, it is an attempt to alter and punish one's personal beliefs - thought control.
When one, without justification, purposefully (intent) punches (act) another then a crime has been committed. In effect, the additional punishment of the motivation (hate) is entirely separate from the two basic elements of the crime.
It is not hard to fathom that we too may one day find ourselves at the bottom of the slippery slope that some European nations now occupy.
Dave Reichert, RINO, Bellevue, WA. This state is so badly hosed. This is the guy responsible for catching the Green River killer, and ran against a local talk show lib named Dave Ross. He took over the seat of a solid R who's name escapes me now. The prior officeholder was a woman who was a real rising star in the party and just decided to get out of politics.
"With all due respect, you're just flat out wrong. Intent is part of the crime, it's referred to in the law as the mens rea element. Each crime has some mens rea element, and the crime and associated pubishment is contingent upon the mens rea, or intent, of the actor. For example, killing someone. If your intent was to hurt them vs. kill them it's going to be different. If you do it in response to provocation, that's different than if you intended to do it for months, planned it and carried it out."
I never said anything about intent. I'm talking about a human emotion, hate, and you are talking about intent and pre-meditation. You completely changed the subject.
Bottom line: If I murder someone, not knowing that person is gay or whatever; my sentence should be no different than if I murder them because they are gay. The person is just as dead either way and the crime is the same. Whether it was because they were gay, because I wanted to rob them or because I was just pissed at the world, it makes no difference. The sentences should be the same. The crime is the same.
Kolbe is probably the worst RINO in congress. I hope the Republicans of Pima county get rid of him. I admit I voted for him in 82, but he lost that race. I could not again vote for him. I live in GA now so I can not do much, but I know many people in Tucson that could, and I hope they do.
What differentiated American constitutional law from that of England, our mother country, was the establishment of written constitutions. England had, and still has, an unwritten constitution that is an amalgam of common law court decisions, acts of Parliament, and royal decrees. The intent of the Founding Fathers was to make the Constitution the supreme law of the land, overriding common law precedent and acts of Congress or the state legislatures when they came into conflict with the provisions of the Constitution.
The matter of fact is that the original intent of the Constitution is not what I may think was written. Rather, The Federalist Papers, written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, who were themselves framers of the Constitution, as arguments in favor of ratifying the document, are very specific relative to what was intended. Congressional debates and the proceedings of the state legislatures indicate the original intent of the amendments.
You state that "our constitutional jurisprudence requires us to follow precedent. Precedent has obviously read this amendment much more expansively than you do." You here highlight the two main flaws in modern constitutional theory: the Constitution as a "living document" and the doctrine of stare decisis.
Modern, that is to say, liberal and neo-conservative, constitutional theory hold to the belief that the Constitution, written for an 18th Century, mostly agrarian, white male dominated society, must be interpreted in the face of economic and social changes, along with current day sensibilities. This is the "living document" theory of Constitutional interpretation. Certain social changes have obviously been reflected in the Reconstruction and women's suffrage amendments. However, since amending the Constitution is a tedious, multiyear process, achieving the same goals through legislation or judicial decision accomplishes the same end, but much more quickly. In the New Deal and thereafter, the concept of "general welfare" overwhelmed the letter of the Constitution, first by the New Deal Congress and, after 1938, by the Supreme Court. By 1940, the Federal government had expanded into a dominant role in American society far beyond what even the most enthusiastically pro-government Founding Father would have dreamed.
In 2005, we have a backlog of over 70 years of business and social regulation and an onerous tax structure that denies persons the proper and full use of their property and is a great burden on economic growth and prosperity. We may have a strong economy at present, but how much stronger could it be if taxes were reduced because the Federal role in society was restricted to defense, the postal service, customs, and so forth, as the Founders intended? Were the Feds not so involved in the energy business, how much more oil and natural gas could come from the continental shelf and the Gulf of Mexico? Would coal and nuclear power not be more plentiful and less expensive?
We still pay a high price in loss of competitiveness and economic freedom from the "good intentions" of Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, and even Republicans like Richard Nixon and George H.W. Bush. Treating the Constitution as a "living document" has been the main path away from limited government and toward socialism.
The second fallacy involves the concept of stare decisis, the position that the cumulative decisions of past Supreme Courts and other courts is authoritative with respect to the meaning of the Constitution. The problem with this position is that these decisions are based on the popular beliefs of a given period. It was Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, a favorite of liberals, who, in dissenting from a Supreme Court majority decision, noted that said decision was a ratification of Herbert Spenser's Social Statics(a pro-laissez faire, anti-government intervention book). Few would say that we should honor such legal precedents as Plessy vs. Ferguson (upholding de iure segregation) or the Dred Scott decision (effectively permitting slave owners to bring slaves into free states), even though they were as much "settled law of the land" as Roe v. Wade is today. The 19th Century decisions I cited were grounded in the belief that supposed black racial inferiority justified less than full legal protection for those of African ancestry, just as Roe v. Wade is based on the presumption that unborn persons (fetuses) lack the full protection of the law.
American conservatism is not just a warm and fuzzy feeling about God and country, nor is it a justification for statism in the name of "family values" or "national honor". Rather, it is a philosophy based on the strict limitation of governmental power, especially Federal power, preservation and protection of individual liberty, and the maintenance of national independence and sovereignty. It is neither the "throne and altar" conservatism of Europe nor the older liberalism of FDR, JFK, and LBJ, relabeled "neo-conservatism." It is the predominant political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and the other Founders, with its roots in the writings of Locke, Montesquieu, and earlier philosophers.
The foundational adage of American conservatism should be "the government that governs best governs least," and not "if it feels good, do it."
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Catholic U.S. Representative Abortion Voting Records 2000-2003
I forgot to ping you on my analysis of the Republicans who voted for the gay "hate crimes" amendment: http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1484654/posts?page=238#238
Here are the 30 Republicans who voted for the amendment to the law that would add increased penalties for "hate crimes" against gays, along with a possible explanation for their vote:
Bass (NH) Bass is quite socially liberal, and his district voted for Gore and Kerry.
Biggert (IL) Biggert is, and has always been, a RINO---her district is strongly Republican, and we should work to defeat her in the 2006 primary.
Boehlert (NY) One of the most liberal RINOs in the House; his district is one of the most Republican in Upstate New York, voting for Bush in 2000 and 2004, and conservatives have come close to beating him in past primaries.
Bono (CA) Has a moderate-to-conservative record, pretty well suited to her district, but it's a shame she caved on this issue, as did so many.
Castle (DE) Pretty much a RINO, but Delaware leans a bit Democrat, and Castle is a popular former governor who would be very difficult to beat in a primary.
Dent (PA) Dent is fairly conservative, and his distrist split almost evenly between Bush and Kerry---apparently, hate crime legislation for gays is popular in Southeastern Pennsylvania, since every Congressman from the region voted for the amendment.
Diaz-Balart, Lincoln (FL) The elder Diaz-Balart usually votes conservative on social issues, but may be providing some cover for his younger brother Mario and his neighboring colleague Ros-Lehtinen.
Diaz-Balart, Mario (FL) (t has long been rumored that Mario, who has never married and who has sponsored pro-gay legislation, may be gay himself, which could explain his vote.
Fitzpatrick (PA) The conservative Fitzpatrick is a freshman incumbent in a district carried by Gore and Kerry and where presumably hate crime laws for gays are popular---we should give him some leeway, since it's doubtful that someone with a 100% conservative record could hold the seat.
Foley (FL) Foley is fairly liberal on social issues, especially when it comes to special rights for gays; he was "outed" by a gay newspaper last year and it is safe to assume that he is indeed gay, which would explain his vote.
Gerlach (PA) Another SE PA Republican from a marginal district who voted for the amendment; Gerlach has been disappointing on many votes, and it is arguable that his lack of support among conservatives is what led to his inability to get over 51% in either 2002 or 2004,
Johnson (CT) Johnson may be *the* most liberal RINO in the House, but unfortunately is well entrenched in her Republican-leaning district.
Kelly (NY) Has a fairly liberal record on social issues, so her vote is no surprise; I think a more conservative Republican would be able to hold her basically Republican district.
Kirk (IL) A RINO in a district that gave Gore and Kerry smallish margins---we could do A LOT better in that district. But perhaps gay hate crimes laws are as popular in Illinois as in SE PA, since several more conservative Republicans from IL voted for the amendment as well.
Kolbe (AZ) An openly gay RINO, his vote on the issue was never in doubt. Kolbe sits in a district that gave Bush 53% in 2004, and there's no reason why its congressman should support partial-birth abortion and gay marriage. Conservatives should support Randy Graf in the GOP primary.
LaHood (IL) LaHood has never been a reliable Republican vote, but his vote for a gay hate crimes law surprised me. Perhaps the measure is popular in Illinois (even in LaHood's Republican district), and since the weasely LaHood is running for Governor he may be concerned that RAT Governor Blagojevich would call him "divisive" had he voted against it.
Leach (IA) A popular RINO from a heavily Democrat district (tied with Simmons of CT as the GOP congressman representing the district with the lowest percentage for Bush in 2004: 43%), we can't expect any different from Leach.
LoBiondo (NJ) LoBiondo is conservative on social issues, and this vote may be due to either gay hate crime laws being popular in South Jersey (which is part of the Philly metro area, and would jibe with the votes by SE PA congressmen) or because LoBiondo might run for the Senate next year and doesn't want to alienate RINOs.
McCotter (MI) This vote really puzzles me. McCotter is fairly conservative, and the only other Michigan Republican to vote for the bill is a RINO. His district voted rather narrowly for Bush in 2004, but I don't think he would need to vote for the amendment to ensure his reelection.
Platts (PA) Platts is a conservative Republican from an overwhelmingly Republican district. Could hate crime laws for gays be that popular in the Republican heartland? Or has the region been contaminated by the "Schuylkill Punch" (Philly tap water) that is like an hour away?
Reichert (WA) He is a freshman from a district that voted for Gore and Kerry, so this vote is not surprising.
Ros-Lehtinen (FL) She usually votes conservative on social issues, but has recently voted like a liberal on gay issues, probably because her district now includes South Beach and Key West, both of which have large gay populations.
Saxton (NJ) See LoBiondo (from an adjoining district) above.
Schwarz (MI) Schwarz is a RINO who managed to win the primary in this conservative district only because something like 7 conservatives ran and split the conservative vote. Hopefully, conservatives will coalesce around a single candidate this time (maybe Tim Walberg?).
Shays (CT) A RINO who had a close 2004 race in a district that voted for Gore and Kerry, this vote is par for the course for him. A 100% conservative probably couldn't hold this seat, but we could certainly elect someone better than Shays.
Shimkus (IL) An Illinois conservative, leading credence to the theory that gay hate crime laws are popular in IL.
Simmons (CT) A RINO, but in a district so heavily Democrat that he's the best we can do there.
Walden (OR) He sits in a heavily GOP district, yet sometime casts disappointing votes. It may be time for a primary challenge to keep him honest.
Weldon (PA) Weldon has a conservative voting record despite representing a suburban Philly district that voted for Gore and Kerry---we should give him some leeway.
Weller (IL) A conservative from a marginal district in Illinois, his vote does not come as a surprise.
And here are the 5 conservative Democrats who voted against the amendment; all of them are conservative enough so that they would be welcome additions to the GOP caucus and represent districts that would reelect them even if they switched parties):
Berry (AR)
Boren (OK)
Davis (TN)
Tanner (TN)
Taylor (MS)
You really need to change your screen name, with all the nonsense you're spewing.
I don't care what their reasons are. It doesn't excuse their gutless vote on this amendment. They all need to be called on the carpet.
Well, we've always looked at what criminals were thinking when they committed their crimes. Intent is an important part of determining the severity of a crime.
We can argue about what criteria we use in determining, and what should or should not be included, but not the process itself. This is no closer to "hate crimes" than stiffer penalties for those who kill cops as opposed to regular citizens.
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